University
of Washington
Geography
207, Economic Geography
Professor
Harrington
Economic Development
Development
is a very contentious word. Is it a process, a progression along
some dimension(s), where some countries and regions are farther advanced
than others? Or is it a condition, which some countries and regions
have at the expense of others? Is economic growth central to the
process or the condition of development? Or are social and political
institutions the key indicators and causes of development? Are there
international actions that result in development or the lack of development
in some places? Or is development largely determined by characteristics
internal to a country or sub-national region?
Contents:
DEFINING DEVELOPMENT
Distinguish between growth and development: more is not always
better.
extensive economic growth: increase in the total size of
a territory's economy.
intensive economic growth: increase in the size of a territory's
economy, per person.
economic development: "the integration of an economy's
productive resources and markets" [Hanink, p. 406]; change in the
economic structure of a territory; an increase in the range and value
of economic activity conducted within the territory.
Elements of economic structure include the economic institutions
(markets, labor institutions, financial institutions, etc.), the mix of
sectors
in the economy, the mix of sectors in the economic base, and the
mix of occupations in which people are engaged.
development: a historical process that encompasses the
entire economic and social life of a nation, resulting in change for the
better. Development is related to, but not synonymous with, economic
growth [Stutz & deSouza, p. 562].
CAUSES OR ATTRIBUTES OF INTENSIVE
ECONOMIC GROWTH
Increased use of territorial factors
-
increased labor force participation rate, because of changing age structure
(lower dependency ratio) and changed social institutions (to encourage
or allow greater participation by all adults)
-
increase in the availability of capital and infrastructure to allow access
to and use of natural and human resources
Increased productivity of territorial factors
-
access to improved factors (higher-grade raw materials, enhanced land,
better-fed and better-educated people)
-
increased proportion of scarce factors (labor, capital, land: whatever
is relatively scarce and thus whose addition can have the greatest marginal
impact on outputs)
-
technological change in the ways that factors are used
-
mobility of people and factors from less productive regions and sectors
to more productive regions and sectors
-
increased scale of production
-
increased specialization according to comparative advantage
ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT AS A
DIFFUSION PROCESS
Can economic development be viewed as a sequence of stages that
most countries achieve? Is removing the bottlenecks to progression
through these stages a key to international development?
Demographic transition
Recall that the demographic transition is an empirical regularity of
demographic change in a territory.
-
Recall that the reasons for falling death rates include diffusion of improved
nutrition and public health measures; and
-
the reasons for falling birth rates include cultural and economic change.
-
Recall that one result of lower birth and death rates is a reduction in
the dependency ratio from the middle two stages of the transition.
For all these reasons, the demographic transition is often seen as a corollary
of development, including economic development. (However, given this
mix of causes and results of the transition, it can't be viewed as a cause
of development).
Increases in domestic value added ("Development Stages")
Some countries and regions have increased per capita incomes by processing
more of their key resources before export: exporting finished lumber
(a product of manufacturing, or secondary activity) rather than raw logs
(a product of forestry, or primary activity); exporting simple machinery
or ships rather than basic steel; designing and exporting computers
and operating systems rather than assembling semiconductor chips.
The result is increased complexity in the local economy, higher export-base
multipliers, and less dependence on relatively raw exports that (usually)
face greater fluctuations in demand and price.
Sectoral change
Stutz and deSouza Figure 12.3 illustrates a striking empirical
regularity: a correspondence between national per capita incomes
and the proportions of employed people in primary (from the earth:
mining, fishing, forestry, agriculture), secondary (fabricated or
manufactured products), and tertiary (services, in which the primary
production is not the fabrication of a physical product) economic sectors.
The higher the per capita income of a nation, the smaller the proportion
of employment in primary and secondary sectors, and the higher the proportion
in tertiary sectors. (Note that on page 537, S&deS actually
define five broad sectors, including quaternary (high-level services
that use information to control or coordinate other economic activity)
and quinary (economic activities that produce knowledge or new information:
education, research, product or process development -- see note
1).
Why might this occur?
Employment generally doesn't decline in the primary or secondary sectors
until labor productivity increases substantially in these sectors;
this boosts overall labor productivity in the economy.
The local availability of tertiary, quaternary, and quinary activities
increases the productivity and competitiveness of primary and secondary
activities and the economy as a whole.
ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT AS A
POLARIZING PROCESS
Rather than a process leading from un-developed to developed, is
development a polarizing process, that leads to ever-increasing wealth
and self-generated social change in some places, but relative declines
in wealth and externally-mandated social change in other places?
Cumulative causation
S&deS's Figure 12.13 encapsulates some of the relationships that
would lead to increased productivity and wealth in "core" or "developed"
places within a country or across the world:
-
higher rates of innovation in places with high incomes, information, education,
and infrastructure
-
new products for export
-
new processes to increase productivity (and thus, per capita incomes)
-
economic-base multipliers of the export activity
-
larger local market to support specialized services
-
economies of agglomeration, which increase the likelihood of innovation
-
and the circle continues.
These circular and cumulative relationships operate in reverse in poor
regions.
Factor or product mobility
However, if factors of production are mobile, then someone should decide
to invest capital in low-wage, capital-scarce settings where the return
to capital is greater: this should increase the capital in these
capital-scarce areas, and increase labor productivity and per capita incomes.
People (especially younger people) would migrate from the low-wage areas,
reducing the labor surplus in these areas and increasing the supply of
labor (and perhaps moderating average wages) in the high-income areas.
Returns, costs, and wages should move toward equalization.
Even if factors are not mobile, if products are mobile (if there is
specialization and trade), the demand in the wealthy region for cheaply
produced goods in the poorer region should have a multiplier effect in
the poorer region, increasing incomes there.
What might prevent this tendency toward equalization?
-
Immobility of factors (limits to capital flows, ignorance of investment
opportunities outside of the "core," migration restrictions)
-
Selective mobility of factors (more skilled and more adventurous or entrepreneurial
people who are more likely to migrate from low-wage to high-wage regions;
"brain drain")
-
Trade barriers around the wealthy markets
-
Increasing economies of agglomeration in the "core" could overwhelm the
lower (labor) costs in the "periphery."
-
The "cheaply produced goods" in the poorer region could also be of lower
quality,
seeing little demand in the wealthy region.
-
The potential flows of technology from the "core" could be less useful
in the lower-skilled, poorer infrastructure settings of the "periphery."
STRATEGIES FOR ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT
Managing development by managing trade: Import Substitution
A country with a large domestic market could encourage inward investment
(from domestic and international sources) by erecting trade barriers around
the market, so that local industry must develop to serve the domestic market.
The national government may have to allow strategic imports to provide
capital equipment or key inputs to the protected sectors.
At some point, the protected sector(s) may achieve a domestic scale and
efficiency to export widely.
This is the argument for "infant industry" protection and the basic process
of import-substitution industrialization (ISI).
Brazil, Canada, India, and Mexico each pursued this development strategy
for part of the 20th century.
Managing development by managing trade: Export Promotion
A country without a large domestic market can encourage inward investment
by establishing low-cost, industrial labor and reasonable physical infrastructure,
so long as exports from that country have free (or low-barrier) entry into
some large market(s).
The national government has to provide political stability and labor stability,
and encourage inward investment and exporting.
The national government needs to target specific export sectors, and to
encourage successful technology transfer into the country, in order to
develop indigenously based export sectors that purchase increasing proportions
of their inputs within the national economy.
This is the basic process of export-promotion industrialization (EPI).
Hong Kong, Singapore, South Korea, and Taiwan, among other countries, pursued
this development strategy for much of the past 30-40 years.
At the subnational, regional scale, many U.S. states and countries
provide subsidies for new investment in certain industries, generally industries
that are assumed to be "basic" -- increasing demand for products of the
region.
Managing development by improving infrastructure, factors,
and institutions: Capacity Building
Our discussions of comparative advantage and of competitive advantage
noted the importance of acquired resources:
-
skilled labor
-
physical infrastructure
-
high-quality supplier and supporting industries
-
institutions that, for example, protect intellectual property rights (to
encourage their development and innovation) at the same time they encourage
domestic or international competition (to encourage the use of efficient
methods and innovation adoption).
Institutions that encourage infrastructure investment, labor training,
pre-worker education, and adoption of innovation are important for development.
To the extent that these are government institutions, the government
needs to be able to plan and execute its plans without the exclusive control
of one interest group in the country, and to have the resources to engage
in planning and policy implementation.
To the extent that these are private institutions, they need to
have some autonomy within the territory (so as to depend upon the success
of the territory's economy -- as opposed to externally based MNCs) and
to be protected from extreme political pressure.
Germany and the U.S. are, perhaps, examples of this development strategy.
Postwar Japan has followed a complex strategy that (in these simple typologies)
is a combination of all three of these strategies.
At the subnational, regional scale, most U.S. states now recognize
that education, training, and physical infrastructure are important "supply-side"
investments that can be made to promote economic growth and economic
development.
Note:
1. Stutz and deSouza include "medical care, research, education,
arts, and recreation" in the quinary sector.
copyright James W. Harrington, Jr.
revised 18 May 2000