Notes
Translator's
Preface
1. The naejip or "inner collection"
in 49 fascicles was the earliest collection of T'oegye's writings. It was later
supplemented by a pyŏljip (separate collection), waejip (outer collection), and sokjip (supplementary collection).
The pyoljip and waejip each only one
fascicle, are appended to volume 1 of the Chŏnsŏ.
The more important sokjip, in 8
fascicles, is contained in the second volume.
Introduction
1. For a discussion of these early cosmological schools, see Feng Yu‑lan,
A History of Chinese Philosophy, vol. 1,
pp. 159‑169.
2. This
is discussed in chapter 6 below; the title of the chapter, "The mind
combines and governs the nature and the feelings, "is itself a quotation
from Chang.
3.
These are the Lun‑yü chi‑chu (Collected
Commentaries on the Analects, ) the Meng Txu chi‑chu (Collected
Commentaries on the Mencius), the Ta‑hsüeh changchü (Commentary on
the Great Learning), and the Chung‑yung chang‑chiA (Commentary
on the Doctrine of the Mean).
4. His
courtesy name was Yŏngsuk, and his honorific name was Mogŭn. He
studied Neo‑Confucianism in China from 1348‑1351, and returned
again in 1354, when he placed first and second in the two final stages of the
civil service exam. He enjoyed great favor with Koryŏ's King Kongmin
(r.1351‑1374) and was responsible for the legal institution of the three‑year
mourning period in Korea. Yi was famed as the foremost Neo‑Confucian
scholar of the times and also as an outstanding poet and literary stYList. In the last decades of the dynasty
he was the leader of the conservative Koryŏ‑loyalist group.
5. His courtesy name was Talga,
and his honorific name was P'oun. An outstanding scholar and man of letters, he
rendered important service on several missions to China during the early years
of the new Ming dynasty. His attempts to prevent Yi Sdnggye's founding of a new
dynasty led to his assassination in 1392, but his reputation was utilized by
the new dynasty, which made him a symbol of loyalty.
220 Notes
to pp. 7‑16
Although
there is no record of his scholarship, his reputation continued to grow, and on
the basis of his moral character, strong stance against Buddhism, and direct
contact with China, he came to be regarded as the true father of Korean Neo‑Confucianism
and his tablet was placed in Korea's Confucian Shrine.
6.
Kwŏn's courtesy name was Kawŏn, and his honorific name was
Yangch'ŏn. He was one of Yi Saek's leading disciples. Although he opposed
the dynastic change, he eventually accepted office and in the first decades of
the new dynasty was regarded as the foremost scholar of the time. His Iphak tosŏl (Diagrammatic
Explanations for Beginners) is one of the earliest Korean treatises on Neo‑Confucian
thought.
7. His
courtesy name was Chongji, and his honorific name was Sambong. He was a
disciple of Yi Saek. Coming from an obscure background, he rose to become the
real power behind the throne as the chief merit subject of the new dynasty,
until he and his group were suddenly purged as the result of the first
succession struggle of the Yi dynasty in 1398. His writings, the Sim ki i py'ŏn (Essay on the Mind,
Vital Force, and Principle) and the P'ulssi chappyŏn
(Various Arguments Against the Buddhists), are, along with the Iphak tosŏl (see note 7), the sole
examples of early Korean Neo‑Confucian intellectualism. Both are anti‑Buddhist
tracts that attack Buddhism on intellectual grounds, the first and most
important works of this nature in Korea.
8. For an excellent account of early attempts to use ritual norms and
institutions as a means to transform Korean society, see Martins Deuchler,
"Neo‑Confucianism: The Impulse for Social Action in Early Yi
Korea."
9. For a detailed account of
the first three purges, see Edward W. Wagner, The Literati Purges: Political Conflict in Early Yi Korea.
10. The Sahŏnbu, the Saganwŏn, and the Hongmun'gwan,
respectively. Here, as elsewhere, I have followed the translation of government
posts and offices established by Wagner, comprehensively listed in Literati Purges, Appendix A, pp. 125133.
11. Village Contracts (hyangyak,
hsiang‑yüeh) are said to have been originated in China by Lu Ta‑chün
(1031‑1082), but it was Chu Hsi who further developed and championed this
institution. They were pacts made by local communities and enforced through
community‑based organizations designed to order conduct in the various
aspects of village life, with Confucian morality and values furnishing the
essential structure and content.
12. The Sillok is the official daily record of the operations of the
government.
13. Sillok, 1517.8.7, as tr. by Wagner, Literati Purges, p. 90.
14.
Most of the following account is taken from T'oegye's Chronological Biography (yŏnbo, nien fu) found in T'oegye chŏnsŏ (hereafter, TGCS), B, pp. 553620.
15. Yangban, lit. "the
two divisions,"is the term that designates Korea's elite or aristocratic
class. The term itself is derived from the two types of government officials,
the civil and the military.
16. TGCS, A, 10.26, p. 282, Letter to Cho
Konjung.
17. In
1592 and again in 1597 Korea was devastated by large‑scale Japanese
invasions that were finally beaten off only with the assistance of Ming armies.
Notes to pp. 17‑26 221
18.
Ŏnhaengnok (hereafter, ŎHN),
6.18a, B, p. 872 (Pak Sun).
19. ŎHN, 6.15a, TGCS, B, p. 871
(Chŏng Yuil).
20.
This is the reason his disciple Kim Sŏngil offers for T'oegye's
precipitous departure (ŎHN, 3.12a,
TGCS, B, p. 824); although it is not
mentioned elsewhere, it is a plausible explanation of an act otherwise quite at
odds with T'oegye's character.
21. ŎHN, 1.2a, TGCS, B, p. 789.
22.
Chen's courtesy name was Ching‑yüan and his honorific name was His-shan.
He was one of the key figures in the transmission of Chu Hsi's learning. His
best known work, the Ta‑hsüeh yen‑i
(Extended Meaning of the Great
Learning, became a constant fixture in the education of rulers in China and
Korea. For an excellent discussion of Chen Te‑hsiu, the Extended Meaning, and the Classic of the Mind‑and-Heart, see.
Wm. Theodore deBary, Neo‑Confucian
Orthodoxy and the Learning of the Mind‑and‑Heart, pp. 67‑126.
23. The Hsin‑ching fu‑chu
was published in China in 1492. Within the next 70 years three editions were
published in Korea, attesting its popularity on the peninsula. For a study of
T'oegye and this work, including its prior and later publication history, see
Yun Pyŏngt'ae, "T'oegeywa Simgyŏng puju," (T'oegye and the Hsin‑ching fu‑chu, and
"Simgyŏng puju yuhuron ponŭi kanbon" (The Publication of
Editions of the Hsin‑ching fu‑chu with T'oegye's Epilogue).
24. For a discussion of this
term, see the Appendix on Terminology.
25. Hsin‑ching fu‑chu, 4.286.
26. The
Hsing-li ta-ch'üan was the product of
a large compilation project carried out under imperial auspices directed by Hu
Kuang (1370‑1418). First published in 1415, the Ming emperor had it
presented to the Korean ruler in 1426.
27. ŎHN, l.lb, TGCS, B, p. 789.
28. ŎHN, 1.5a, TGCS, B, p. 791.
29. See his remarks in his preface to his recension of Chu Hsi's
letters, the Chu sŏ chŏryo, TGCS, A, 423a‑b, p.
939.
30. Ihak T'ongnok, table of contents (mongnok) 3a, TGCS, B,
p.250.
31. The "Chŏnsŭmnok nonbyŏn " (Critique of
Wang Yang‑ming's Ch'uanhsi lu),
TGCS, A, 41.236‑356, pp. 922‑925, and the "Paeksasigyo
chŏnsŭmnok ch'ojŏn insü kihu" (Postscript to Conveyed Copy
of Ch'en Po‑sha's Shih‑chiao and
Wang Yang‑ming's Ch'uan‑hsi
lu), TGCS, A, 41.296‑35a, pp. 925‑928.
32.
Ki's courtesy name was Myŏngŏn and his honorific name was Kobong. He
passed the civil service examinations in 1558. One of the best minds and most
broadly and deeply learned of his generation, he became a leading exponent of sarim concerns at court. He served as
Headmaster fo the Confucian Academy and Censor General, but his promising
career was cut short by illness and he died just two years after T'oegye.
33. TGCS, B, pp. 151‑190.
34. See
below, chapter 5, T'oegye's Comments.
35. T'ung shu, chapter 20.
36. This structure is indicated by T'oegye in annotations at the end
of chapter 5 and chapter 10.
222 Notes
to pp. 26‑30
37. T'oegye presents this view
in his remarks at the end of chapter 4.
38. See his remarks at the end
of chapter 4.
Address Presenting the Ten Diagrams on Sage Learning to King
Sŏnjo
1. P'anjungch'ubusa, a Junior First Rank position. The Office of
Ministers Without Portfolio was the highest ranking military agency. It was an
honorary sinecure position frequently assigned to high‑ranking civil
officials no longer serving actively in government.
2. Analects, 17:17: "Heaven does riot
speak, but [in accord with it] the four seasons proceed in their course and the
hundred living things are produced. Yet Heaven does not speak!" This
saying has been an important reference point in the Confucian tradition, for
Confucians have generally taken a non-anthropomorphic, naturalistic view of the
Ultimate and the mode in which its governance operated. "Heaven" is
the most common term for referring to an ultimate seat or source of governing
in the universe, while "Tao" is used when this governing is thought
of as happening according to an under‑lying, directive pattern inherent
in all things. Heaven governs not by legislative fiat, but by the inherent
pattern (Tao) of the universe.
3. The
River Diagram was believed to have been carried out of the Yellow River on the
back of a "dragon horse," during the reign of the legendary Emperor
Fu hsi, while the Lo Writing came from the Lo River on the back of a tortoise
in the time of the legendary Emperor Yü. They were supposed to have been
transmitted to King Wen, the founder of the Chou dynasty, who elaborated Fu
Hsi's eight trigrams into the 64 hexagrams and accompanying texts which are the
core of the Book of Changes.
Subsequently lost, they were "rediscovered" during the Former Han
dynasty (206 B.c‑25 A.D.), a time when apocrypha and prognostication
texts enjoyed a wide currency.
4.
These are idealized legendary and semi-legendary figures from the earliest
period of Chinese history and prehistory; their reigns represented the ideal of
wisdom and proper government. For Confucians the most important of these are
the Sage Emperors Yao (2357?‑2256? s.c.)and Shun (2255?‑2206?
B.C.), and King Wen (1184?‑1135?s.C.) and the Duke of Chou (c. 1110?).
The latter two belong to the historical Chou dynasty (1122?‑256 B.C.),
the early period of which was idealized and taken as a model by Confucians. The
account of the reigns of these Sage Emperors and Wise Rulers is to be found in
the Book of Documents, one of the
earliest Confucian Classics (English tr. by James Legge, The Chinese Classics,
vol. 3).
5. Kuo
Yü (Narratives of the States), Ch'u, A:6. Commentators do not agree regarding
the precise meaning of the various ancient offices referred to here, so the
translation is uncertain.
6. This practice, with a similar list of objects, is described in the
"Wu‑wang chien tsu" chapter of the Ta Tai li‑chi (Book of Rites of the Elder Tai).
Notes to pp. 31‑33 223
7. The T'ien‑ch'iu chin‑chien lu
(Golden Mirror Record of a Thousand Autumns) was presented to the emperor on
his birthday in 736 by Chang Chiu‑ling (673‑740). It was customary
on such occasions for officials to present precious gifts such as golden mirrors;
Chang instead presented this compilation of historical examples of good and
bad government.
8. The Wu‑i t'u. Sung Ching (662‑737)
was noted for combining inflexible sternness with remarkable benignity. Wu‑i, "without
idleness," is the title of Book of
Documents, 5:15, a chapter in which the Duke of Chou lectures the young
ruler on this evil. Sung made a diagram of the chapter and presented it to the
emperor.
9. Li
Te‑yü ( 787‑849) served under six emperors of the Tang dynasty,
leading a checkered career which took him from the heights of power to
banishment to distant parts of the empire and back again. The Tan‑i liu‑hen (Six Maxims of
the Crimson Screen) was addressed to the Emperor Ching‑tsung, whose
extravagances Li staunchly opposed. The "crimson screen" of the title
refers to the screen which stood behind the emperor in his audience chamber.
10. On
Chen Te‑hsiu, see Introduction, note 22. The Pin‑fung ch'i‑yüeh t'u (Diagram of the Seventh‑Month
Ode of the Odes of Pin) is based upon
Book of Odes, #154. The Seventh‑Month Ode, so‑named for its
first line, narrates the various sorts of agricultural labors of the common
people throughout the course of the year.
11. The
responsibility was not T'oegye's alone; a broad spectrum of some 22 officials
held concurrent appointments to the Office of Royal Lectures
(kyŏngyŏn, lit. "Classic‑mat"). They met, ideally,
three times daily with the king. The nominal task of these meetings was, as the
title suggests, the exegesis and interpretation of classical texts, but these
were also applied, sermon stYLe, to
the affairs and questions of the day, and the ensuing discussions could range
broadly. Thus this was a major forum not only for formal instruction, but the
presentation of views on current issues and for remonstrance as well. Cf.
Edward Wagner, The Literati Purges,
p. 16. For a discussion of the origin of this institution and its function in
relation to the instruction of rulers, see deBary, Neo‑Confucian Orthodoxy, pp. 29‑30; 35‑37.
12.
This saying of Chang Tsai is the heart of the Ch'eng‑Chu School's
psychological theory and is discussed in chapter 6. T'oegye's "two small
diagrams" summarize his most original contribution to Neo‑Confucian
thought and mark the point where Korean Neo‑Confucianism begins on the course
of its own distinctive and characteristic intellectual development. On Ch'eng
Fu‑hsin, see below, ch. 2, n. 32.
13. These diagrams are: ch. 3, Elementary
Learning; ch. 5, Rules of the White Deer Hollow Academy; ch. 10, Admonition
on Rising Early and Retiring Late.
14. This suggestion was promptly acted upon and both the screen and
handbook were made. There are a number of references to the Ten Diagrams in T'oegye's correspondence
with other scholars during the next two years, indicating that the work was
almost immediately in circulation in the scholarly community.
15. Mencius, 6A:15.
16. Book of Documents, 5:4.5. The
"Grand Plan" is said to have been given
224 Notes
to pp. 33‑37
by Chi
Tzu (Kor. "Kija") to King Wu at the beginning of the Chou dynasty. As
one of the earliest comprehensive schematizations of the rudiments of an ideal,
civilized government, it was an important reference point for later Confucians.
But for Koreans this reference had special meaning because Chi Tzu was said to
have fled to Korea rather than serve under a new dynasty after having served
under its predecessor, the Shang. The legend of his founding a Chinese
civilization on the Korean Peninsula attracted the special attention of Yi
dynasty Neo‑Confucians, who could thus claim to be restoring their
country's most ancient and legitimate heritage.
17. The "emptiness" (hŏ, hsü) of the mind indicates
that it is intrinsically free of ego‑centeredness; it is, in its ideal
condition, "empty" of any selfish desires or impulses. It is "spiritual"
(yong, ling) in its wondrous ability to encompass and penetrate all things; no
dichotomy of spirit/matter in the western sense is implied. For further
discussion, see Appendix on Terminology under ki (ch'i).
18. See
Appendix on Terminology.
19. Analects, 2:15.
20. Mencius, 3A:1.
21. On mindfulness (kyŏng,
ching), see Appendix on Terminology. T'oegye makes this the central theme
of the Ten Diagrams. The
psychological theory regarding "inner" and "outer" is
explained in chapter 6. Chapters 8‑10 take up the subject of mindfulness
at length.
22. A
paraphrase of Doctrine of the Mean,
ch. 1.
23. A reference to Mencius
6A:8, which describes how the calm atmosphere of the early predawn hours works
to restore human nature to its originally good condition just as the vital
force of nature works in the night to restore damaged
vegetation.
24. I am unable to locate these
references.
25. Mencius, 4B:14.
26. Mencius, 4A:27.
27. Analects, 6:7. Yen Hui
was Confucius' favorite and foremost disciple. He died while still very young,
a loss Confucius greatly mourned.
28. This
is taken from Chu Hsi's annotation of Analects,
15:11.
29. Analects, 4:15: when
Confucius said that there is a single thread running through all his teachings
Tseng Tzu understood what he meant and interpreted this key remark for the
other disciples.
30.
References to Doctrine of the Mean,
ch. 1.
31. This is a conventional expression of humility frequently used
when presenting something. The reference is to a well‑known tale:
although the peasants mistake something very common as a gift fit for a king,
their utter sincerity in offering the gift excuses the ignorance and, indeed,
is the true value of the gift.
Notes
to pp. 37‑41 225
1. Diagram of the Supreme Ultimate
1. The Diagram of the Supreme
Ultimate (T'ai chi t'u), and Explanation of the Diagram of the Supreme Ultimate (T'ai chi t'u shuo) may be found,
together with Chu Hsi's commentary and a lengthy compilation of further
annotation, in the Hsing-li ta-ch'üan
(hereafter, HLTC, ) ch. 1. The
Diagram and Explanation have been translated by Derk Bodde in History of Chinese Philosophy, by Feng
Yu‑lan, vol. 2, pp. 435‑438. A
Source Book in Chinese Philosophy, by Wing‑tsit Chan, pp. 463‑464>
contains a translation of the Explanation.
Both translations are in substantial agreement, and my own owes much to theirs.
For a further discussion of the origin and nature of the Diagram, see Feng Yu‑lan, ibid.,
pp. 438‑442.
2. The Chin ssu lu,
compiled by Chu Hsi and Lü Tsu‑Ch'ien,
is the earliest compilation of the thought of the early masters and has been
extremely influential. It has been translated by Wing‑tsit Chan as
Reflections on Things at Hand. On the HLTC,
see above, Introduction, n.26.
3. See HLTC, l.lb‑3a.
4. Ch'ien and K'un are the names of the first two
hexagrams of the Book of Changes
(hereafter, Hsing‑li ta‑ch'üan). Ch'ien is entirely composed of yang lines and symbolizes Heaven and
the male; K'un is composed entirely
of yin lines and symbolizes Earth and the female.
5. For a complete elaboration of the correlation of the Five Agents
and the constituent principles of human nature as well as the psychological
theory developed on this basis, see below, ch. 6.
6. Changes, commentary on Ch'ien hexagram.
7. Ibid., Remarks on Certain Trigrams, ch.
2.
8. Ibid., Appended Remarks, pt. 1, ch. 4.
9. The Book of Changes was an ancient
divination text held in high esteem by both Confucians and Taoists. It is based
upon eight trigrams which represent the possible combinations of unbroken (yang) lines and broken (yin) lines; these in turn were combined
into hexagrams, thus making a total of 64 symbolic graphs representing
different combinations of yin and yang. The 8 trigrams were attributed to the
lengendary sage Fu Hsi, while the hexagrams were held to be the work of King
Wen (1171‑1122 B.C.); the texts accompanying the hexagrams were
attributed to King Wen and the Duke of Chou (d. 1094 B.C.). As important as the
text itself were seven commentaries which were incorporated into the work and
ascribed to Confucius (551‑479 B.C.). Originally a divination text, the Book of Changes came to be used as the
fundamental source for virtually all Chinese cosmological speculation and was
also an important source of ethical teachings. Modem scholars generally hold
the commentaries to be the work of diverse authors and composed sometime
between the fifth and fourth centuries B.C.
10. Chu‑tzu Yü-lei (hereafter,
YL), 94.17b‑18a.
11. HLTC, 1.45b‑46a, slightly
abridged. T'oegye sees the doctrine of mindfulness as a central theme running
throughout his Ten Diagrams and
deliberately introduces this comment to show how Chu Hsi supplements Chows more
one‑sided emphasis on tranquility with the doctrine of mindfulness (see
the annotation he appends to ch. 4).
12. The
honorific name of Yeh Ts'ai (fl. 1248). Yeh was a disciple of Chu Hsi's pupil,
Ch'en Ch'un (1153‑1217) and the author of the earliest commentary on the Chin
ssu lu.
226 Notes
to pp. 41‑47
13. Changes, Appended Remarks, pt. 1, ch. 11.
14. A slight paraphrase of
Yeh's remark as found in HLTC, 1.59b‑60a.
15. HLTC, 1. 596‑60a.
16. Chu‑tzu ta ch'üan (The Complete
Works of Chu Hsi, hereafter CTTC),
71.4b (Chi Lien‑hsi ch'uan).
17. The Elementary Learning
(Hsiao hsüeh) and the Great Learning
(Ta hsieh) are the subjects of the third and fourth chapters of the Ten Diagrams.
18. Changes, Remarks on Certain Trigrams,
ch. 1.
19. Changes, Appended Remarks, pt. 2, ch. 3.
20. ŎHN, l.lb, B, p. 789; 1.20b, B, p.
798.
21. ŎHN, 1.20b, p. 798.
22. YL, 1.2b.
23.
There were sharp differences in the orientations underlying the monistic
philosophies of Chang and Lo. For an excellent study of Lo's thought that
clearly distinguishes him from Chang, see Irene Bloom, "On the
`Abstraction' of Ming Thought: Some Concrete Evidence from the Philosophy of Lo
Chin‑shun," in Principle and
Practicality, ed. by Wm. Theodore deBary and Irene Bloom, pp. 69‑125.
24. The
courtesy name of Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk (1489‑1546) was Kagu, but in
Korea he is best known by his honorific name, Hwadam; he is popularly regarded,
along with T'oegye and Yulgok (Yi I), as one of the three outstanding
philosophers of the Yi dynasty. He strongly asserted the absolute independence
and originality of his ideas, though they bear a close resemblance to the
monistic philosophy of ch'i developed
in China by Chang Tsai, to whom his followers constantly likened him. He
refused to take office and lived an impoverished life in retirement devoted to
study and teaching. T'oegye had contact with a number of Hwadam's students, and
frequently expressed his impatience with what he regarded as their misplaced
enthusiasm and exaggerated claims for their master. Hwadam claimed his teaching
and insights would endure through the ages, but unfortunately the slim volume
of his writing which survived‑perhaps his only writing‑the Hwadamjip, contains only a sketchy
exposition of his philosophy, making it impossible, in spite of his high
repute, to assess the full range and depth of his ideas.
25. See, for example, his Pi i
ki wi il mui pyŏnjung (An Evidenced Argument That Li and Ki Are Not One
Thing), TGCS, A, 41.20b‑23a,
pp. 920‑922, in which he attacks the monism of Lo Chin‑shun and
Sŏ Kyŏngdŏk.
26. For T'oegye's handling of this question and its ramifications See
below, Commentary, "The Supreme Ultimate and Material Force," and
chapter 4, Commentary, "Can Principle `Approach'?"
27. On Chu Hsi's adopting and interpreting Chou's Diagram, which was before that
relatively unknown, see Wing‑tsit Chan, "Chu Hsi's Completion of
Neo-Confucianisml," pp. 67‑72.
28.
This remark appears among the passages appended to Chu Hsi's commentary on the
Diagram of the Supreme Ultimate, HLTC, 1.4a;
I have not been able to locate its original source.
29. CTTC, 56.33b (Letter to Ch'eng Tzu‑shang).
Notes to pp. 47‑51 227
30. YL, 1.3a.
31. Mien‑tsai was the honorific name of Huang Kan (1152‑1221),
Chu Hsi's son‑in‑law and one of his leading disciples. He has
generally been considered the orthodox interpreter and transmitter of Chu Hsi's
thought.
32. HLTC, 1.23b.
33. See
above, n. 27.
34. See
Yun Sasun, T'oegyeŭi ch'ŏrhak
yŏn'gu (Research on T'oegye's Philosophy), pp. 59‑66, and
Chŏn Tuha, "T'oegyeŭi ch'ŏrhagui haeksim," (The Heart
of T'oegye's Philosophy), pp. 135‑170, (esp. pp. 135‑145). The two
scholars differ insofar as Yun is inclined to emphasize the implicit
contradictions in this monistic dualism while Chŏn, who is deeply
influenced by Hegel, is inclined to see it in a dialectical framework.
35. On Ki Taesŭng, see above, Introduction, n. 32. He is famous
for his role in the Four‑Seven Debate with T'oegye, the most famous and
important intellectual controversy in the history of Yi Dynasty thought (see
below, chapter 6, for a discussion of the debate).
36. The courtesy name of Yi I (1536‑1584) was Sukhŏn, but
he is universally known in Korea by his honorific name, Yulgok. He rivals
T'oegye for the title of the finest thinker of the Yi Dynasty, and the Korean
intellectual world became permanently divided into schools which trace their
intellectual descent from one or the other. Yulgok had an illustrious official
career, holding posts such as Censor General, Inspector General, and Minister
of the Board of Personnel, and has a high reputation not only as a philosopher
but as a man of practical affairs.
37. Cf.
HLTC, p.106.
38. On
the differentiation of principle according to the relative purity or turbidity
of material force, see below, chapter 3, Commentary, "Material Force and
the Difference Between the Sage and the Ordinary Man."
2.
Diagram of the Western Inscription
1.
On Chang Tsai, see first section of Introduction. The Western Inscription was originally ch.
17 of Chang's Cheng‑meng, and was entitled "Correcting
Obstinacy" (Ting‑wan); Ch'eng I, fearing that this obscure title
would cause problems, changed it to "Western
Inscription," a reference to the fact that it was inscribed on the
western window of Chang's lecture hall. It was included in the second chapter
of Chu Hsi's Chin‑ssu lu (see Wing Tsit Chan's translation, Reflection of
Things at Hand, pp. 76ff. ) and is also presented, along with Chu Hsi's
commentary and annotations from other sources, in HLTC, chüan 4. T'oegye's careful phrase‑by‑phrase
analysis of its sources and meaning, the Sŏmyŏng koch'ung kangŭi
(Lecture on the Sources of the Western
Inscription) appears in TGCS, A,
7.49a‑62a; this lecture was originally presented by him from the Classics
Mat before king Sŏnjo. His comments indicate that he was using the HLTC material. English translations of
the Western Inscription are to be
found in Wing Tsit Chan's Source Book in
Chinese Philosophy, pp. 497‑500, and Derk
228 Notes
to pp. 51‑52
Bodde,
tr., History of Chinese Philosophy, by
Feng Yu‑lan, vol. 2, pp. 493‑495; my own translation is indebted to
both.
2.
"What fills up all between
Heaven and Earth" and "that which directs" are references to Mencius 2A: 2, a famous passage which
describes man as possessing a "vast, flowing passion nature" (hao‑jan chih ch'i), which, if
nurtured on righteousness, fills up all between Heaven and Earth.
3.
Reference to Mencius, 4A; 12.
4.
Reference to Mencius, IA: 7. T'oegye
notes that the pronoun translated by Bodde as "their" should really
be understood as "my" and I have followed his interpretation. Cf. TGCS, A, 7.53a, p. 220. "My" young and aged would
ordinarily refer to one's family members; here my family is extended to include
all persons.
5. Changes, Commentary on Ch'ien hexagram.
6.
Reference to Mencius, IA: 5.
7. A
combination of references to the Book of
Odes (hereafter, Odes), #272 and
244 respectively.
8. A
combination of references to Changes, Appended
Remarks, pt. 1, ch. 4, and Tso chuan
(Tso's Commentary on the Spring and Autumn Annals), 1.1.
9. A combination of references to Analects,
4.5, and the Classic of Filial Piety,
ch. 9.
10. A combination of references
to Analects, 15.9, and Mencius, 3B: 9.
11.
Reference to Tso chuan, 6.18.
12. A combination of references
to Mencius, 7A: 38, and Mencius, 5A: 6.
13. Each half of this sentence combines references to Changes, Appended Remarks, pt. 2, ch. 3,
and Doctrine of the Mean, ch. 19.
14. A
combination of references to Odes, #256
and # 196.
15. A combination of references to Mencius, 7A: 1, and Classic
of Filial Piety, ch. 4. Mencius, 7A:
1 is a key reference point for Neo‑Confucians, for it links Heaven and
man's nature and, in the phrase here quoted, sums up the essence of self-cultivation.
16. A
combination of references to Mencius, 4B:
20 and 4B: 30.
17. Tso
chuan, 1.1. Ying Kao‑su, by the
example of his own filial piety to his mother, caused Duke Chuang to repent and
be reunited with his own mother, whom he had sworn never to see again.
18. Mencius, 4A: 28.
According to tradition the father of the sage, Shun, was a depraved villain who
repeatedly attempted to kill his son; however, he was finally won over by Shuns
constant filial piety.
19. Book of Rites, T'an kung, pt. 1: 3. Shen
Sheng, when falsely accused of attempting to poison his father, Duke Hsien of Chin,
committed suicide rather than flee.
20.
Tseng Tzu was a disciple of Confucius particularly noted for his filial piety. Analects 8.3 tells how on his death bed
he called his disciples to view his hands and feet, witnessing that he had
fulfilled his filial duty to preserve his body intact. The Classic of Filial Piety, though of later origin, was traditionally
attributed to him.
21. Po‑ch'i
was a prince who accepted his father's expulsion of him even
Notes to pp. 56‑60 229
though
it was caused by the machinations of a stepmother who wanted him replaced by
her own son. Wing Tsit Chan (Reflections,
p. 78, n. 221) has traced the story to the annotation of the eulogy at the
end of Ch'ien Han shu, ch. 79, where
it is referred to the Shuo yüan; he
notes that it is not to be found in modem editions of the Shuo yüan.
22. Reference to Odes, # 253.
23. Ch'eng I applied this dictum
in answering doubts about the Western
Inscription expressed by his pupil, Yang Shih. Cf. below, note 27, and
Commentary, "Confucian Ethics on a New Foundation." The
correspondence between the two on this question may be found in HLTC, 4.12a‑13b. A translation of
Ch'eng's letter appears in Chan, Source
Book, pp. 550‑551.
24. Mo
Tzu (fl. 479‑438 B.C.) was a philosopher who expounded a doctrine of
universal, egalitarian love. His school was one of the chief rivals of the
early Confucians, and it was in response to it that Mencius clearly enunciated
the Confucian doctrine of graded love. See Mencius,
3B: 9. On Mo Tzu and this doctrine, see Chan, Source Book, pp. 211‑217.
25. Chu Hsi's Commentary on the Western Inscription, HLTC,
4.lOb‑l la.
26. Ibid., 4. 2 I a.
27.
Kuei‑shan was the honorific name of Yang Shih (1053‑1135), a pupil
of the Ch'eng brothers who became a leading Neo‑Confucian scholar.
T'oegye in his "Sin mu ch'e yong
pyŏn" (Discourse Against the Theory That the Mind Does Not Have
Substance and Function), TGCS, I,
41.19b, p. 920, criticizes his inclination for lofty and abstruse theorizing.
28. Mencius, 7A: 45. This is the classical
locus for the Confucian doctrine of "graded love. "
29. HLTC, 4. l lb. "Righteousness"
in a Confucian context is not an abstract virtuousness, but the characteristic
of acting in a manner appropriate to the given situation, and hence is
correlated with the diversity of principle.
30. Shuang‑feng was the honorific name of Yao Lu (fl. 1256),
and his courtesy name was Chung‑yüan. He' was a leading disciple of Chu
Hsi's son‑in‑law, Huang Kan. An account of him appears in T'oegye's
Ihak T'ongnok (Comprehensive Record
of Neo‑Confucians), 9.40b, TGCS,
B, p. 501.
31. HLTC, 4.24a‑b.
32. The
honorific name of Ch'eng Fu‑hsin (1279‑1368); his courtesy name was
Tzu‑hsien. A Yüan dynasty scholar, he was best known for a book of
diagrams, the Ssu‑shu chang t'u (Diagrams
of the Chapters of the Four Books), a work upon which he spent some 13 years,
and which T'oegye obtained about 1560. As is clear from comments he makes in
chapter 8, T'oegye held Ch'eng in high esteem, and two more of his diagrams
appear in chapters 6 and 8. There is an account of him in T'oegye's Ihak T'ongnok, 10.31b‑32a, TGCS, B, p. 519.
33. I-shu, 2A, 2a. In the Chin ssu lu, Chu Hsi attributes this
saying to Ch'eng Hao (see Chan, Reflections,
p. 79).
34. A
paraphrase of I-shu, 18. l lb, a
saying of Ch'eng I.
35. See
above, note 23.
230 Notes
to pp. 61‑66
36.
Commiseration is the active manifestation of the character of jen, humanity, which Neo‑Confucians
view as one of the constitutive qualities of man's nature. This is based upon
Mencius' famous discussion of the goodness of human nature in terms of the
"Four Beginnings," of which commiseration is the first: "The
disposition of commiseration is the beginning of humanity" (Mencius, 2A: 6). For a discussion of the
Four Beginnings and their relationship to man's nature, see below, chapter 6.
37.
Reference to YL, 98.12b.
38. In
the Confucian tradition, self‑understanding could not be ultimately
separated from a consideration of the conditions of one's origin and growth as
a human being. One originates as an extension of the existence of one's parents
and could not have survived without their care. If one understands oneself in
this way, there is no place for a self‑enclosed conceptualization of
one's existence, as in the modem formula, "I have my own life to
lead." Rather, filial obedience and service are founded upon a self‑identity
which includes one's dependence/interdependence on a transpersonal community
participating in and transmitting a single life‑force. In this view,
"my life," rightly understood, cannot be separated from "our
life."
39.
This will be taken up with the topic of "the investigation of
principle" in chapter 4. In general the question of objective vs.
subjective emphasis is a critical issue in Neo‑Confucian thought. The
school of the Ch'eng brothers and Chu Hsi tries to maintain a delicate balance
between the two; its chief rival, the school of Wang Yang‑ming (Shou‑jen,
1472‑1529), which picked up and developed the thought of Chu Hsi's
contemporary, Lu Hsiang‑shan (Chiu‑yüan, 1139‑1193), emphasized
the subjective side and thus moved in a sharply different direction. T'oegye
vigorously opposed this development and wrote several essays in which he was
harshly critical of Wang Yang‑ming (see TGCS, A, 41.23a‑32b).
3.
Diagram of the Elementary Learning
1. The
Five Relationships are those presented in the diagram under the heading,
"clarifying relationships." The locus classicus for this formulation
is Mencius, 3A: 4. The quality
appropriate to the relationship of friends is classically and traditionally
expressed as "faithfulness"; there is no explanation of which I am
aware as to why it has been changed to the noncommittal "intercourse"
in the heading of this section of the Elementary
Learning.
2. This was initiated at the suggestion of Kwŏn Kŭn (1352‑1409).
Kwŏn was one of the most prominent Neo‑Confucian scholars during the
transition period between the Koryŏ and Yi dynasties.
3. Hyŏn Sangyun, Choson yuhak sa (History of Korean
Confucianism), p. 36.
4. The
text of this Introduction (Hsiao‑hsüeh
t'i‑tzu) is to be found in CTTC,
76.19a‑b; it is identical with the text as presented in the Ten Diagrams.
5. The
"Four Beginnings" were first described by Mencius in the course of
Notes to pp. 66‑70 231
his
argument that human nature is good. Cf. Mencius,
2A: 6. The correlation of these with the four characteristics of Heaven is
discussed below, Commentary, "The Four Characteristics of Heaven, the
Mandate, and Human Nature."
6. Mencius, 6A: 6.
7. Mencius, 4A: 10 describes those who
disregard humanity and righteousness as doing violence to themselves and
throwing themselves away.
8. This
description refers to Analects,
19:12.
9. The "bright Mandate" refers to the Mandate of Heaven.
The doctrine of the Mandate of Heaven originally was a legitimation of the
king's right to rule, based on his receipt of the Mandate, but the concept was
broadened to cover Heaven's ordination with regard to human affairs‑Fate,
in some contexts, but the moral imperative in the context of moral discourse.
The first line of the Doctrine of the
Mean was of crucial significance for Neo‑Confucians, who interpreted
human nature in terms of this moral imperative (i.e., principle): "What
Heaven mandates is called our nature; to follow our nature is called the
Tao."
10. This paragraph sums up the teleology of all learning, elementary
or advanced. But it pertains particularly to the Great Learning insofar as it more specifically describes the
culmination of the process of study and self‑cultivation.
11. A reference to the infamous "burning of the books," a
literary proscription in which the First Emperor of the Chin dynasty at the
instigation of the legalist philosopher, Li Ssu, in 213 B.C. ordered the
destruction of all philosophical and historical works; only books in the
Imperial Library (later destroyed), the history of his own dynasty, and
practical works such as those on medicine and divination were to be preserved.
Just how much was lost forever in this persecution can never be known, but the
most important classical works survived, and the overall impact of this episode
upon the literary heritage of China may well be exaggerated. It did, however,
mark a definite end of the creative and multifaceted work of the many diverse
philosophical schools which flourished in the disorganized society which preceded
the Chin unification of the Chinese empire.
12. Allusions to Mencius, 6A:
11 and 7A: 1, respectively. See
the diagram in chapter 8, below, which schematically presents much of the Neo‑Confucian
terminology relating to self‑cultivation. As a glance at the sources of
that diagram's phrases will show, the greater part of Neo‑Confucian
technical terminology on this topic is drawn from Mencius and relates to well‑known passages in that work.
13. The
traditional "six arts" of Chinese education as enumerated in the Chou li, ch. 14.
14.
This refers to the first sentence of the Great
Learning. The text is presented by T'oegye in chapter 4 of the Ten Diagrams.
15. Chu Hsi was fond of the statement that mindfulness is both the
way of making a beginning and achieving the final completion, and repeats it
frequently. Here it would appear that it is a quotation; the most likely source
for such a saying would be the ECCS,
but I have been unable to locate a passage worded in this way. Possibly he is
referring in a summary way to the teaching of the Ch'engs on mindfulness,
which indeed describes it as fundamental to the whole process of learning.
232 Notes
to pp. 70‑75
See,
for example, the many passages on the topic cited in the Chin ssu lu, ch. 4 (Chan tr., Reflections
pp. 123‑153).
16. Ta‑hsüeh huo‑wen,
lb‑3a. The passage has been somewhat abbreviated by T'oegye. I have
indicated the omitted portions by dots in the text.
17. A key phrase, "ko
wu," is interpreted by Chu Hsi as "reach to things," i.e.,
approach and investigate them‑the "investigation of principle"
which is essential to his philosophy. Wang interprets it rather as
"rectify things," the essential thing for him being not study, but
actively applying and practicing what one already knows innately. See his Ch'uan‑hsi lu, sec. 137 (Instructions for Practical Living, Wingtsit
Chan, tr., pp. 102‑106).
18. "Honoring the moral nature (tsun hsing)" is paired in Neo‑Confucian parlance with
"following the path of inquiry te‑ and study" (tao wen‑hsüeh). The former phrase
refers to the practical application to self‑cultivation, the latter to
the study and investigation of principle; together they express the two aspects
of the learning process as conceived by Chu Hsi.
19. "Destroying principle" reflects T'oegye's view of what
Wang is actually doing by emphasizing the subjective possession of principle in
the mind and disregarding the need to study it externally in things and
affairs.
20. For this letter, see CTTC,
42.16a‑17b. It is an important discussion of the relation between study
and practice, and the relationship of the Elementary
Learning and Great Learning is discussed in this context.
21. The personal name of Cho (1501‑1572) was Sik, and his
courtesy name was Konjung. Nammyŏng was his honorific name. When younger
he studied literature, but later came to Neo‑Confucian studies and
secluded himself for many years, devoting his efforts to cultivating
mindfulness. He came to enjoy a high reputation as a scholar and was repeatedly
recommended for official posts, though he avoided them to remain in retirement.
22. The
personal name of Yi (1541‑1596) was Tŏkhong; Koengjung was his
courtesy name and Kanjae his honorific name. He was one of T'oegye's leading
disciples and in 1578 was honored as fourth among nine men especially selected
for office on the basis of outstanding learning. He was noted for his learning
on the Book of Changes, and wrote
commentaries on a number of works, including the Heart Classic. An account of him may be found in the Tosan munhyŏn nok (Record of
T'oegye's Disciples), TGCS, B, 3.19a‑27a,
p. 987‑991.
23. See
ŎHN, 1.20b, TGCS, B, p. 798. T'oegye's own letter in response to Cho (TGCS, 10.4b‑6a, A, pp. 283‑284)
treats it entirely as a proposal that T'oegye correct others and purify public
life. In his reply T'oegye argues that there are a number of different degrees
of culpability; one cannot tar them all with the same brush, and in any case it
is not fitting for a scholar to thus set himself up in judgment over others,
nor is it practicable to try to purge them from public life. The tone of these
remarks contrasts strongly with the rigid moralism that had proved selfdestructive
to earlier Neo‑Confucians in Yi dynasty public life.
25. The
courtesy name of Chong (1533‑1576) was Chajung, and his honorific name
was Munbong. He passed the highest civil service examination in 1558
Notes to pp. 76‑84 233
and was
highly reputed as both a philosopher and poet, but his writings were lost
during the 1592 Japanese invasion. An account of him may be found in the Tosan munhyŏn nok, 2.31a‑33a,
TGCS, B, pp. 972‑973. During
his official career he served as Censor General and Minister of the Board of
Personnel.
26. The courtesy name of Kim Su (1537‑1615) was Cha'ang, and
his honorific name was Mongch'on. He passed the highest civil service
examination in 1573 and in his official career served as governor in several
provinces and also served as State Councilor and Minister of the Board of
Taxation. An account of him appears in the Tosan
munhyŏn nok, 3.40a‑41b, TGCS,
B, pp. 997‑998.
27. See
Mencius, 2A: 6.
28. The
life‑force, associated with yang,
arises in spring, pervades and makes all things flourish in summer; the
benefits are harvested in fall, and winter, "firmness," is the season
when this force is stored up in the earth, preparing to begin the cycle anew in
the spring.
29. Myŏng (Chinese, ming), the term here translated as
"ordained," is a reference to the Mandate (myŏng) of Heaven (see above, note 8).
30. The
Ch'ŏnmyŏng tosŏl (Diagrammatic
Explanation of the Mandate of Heaven) was originally the work of Chŏng
Chiun (1509‑1561). T'oegye felt the work needed correction and worked
with Chŏng on revising it; he made such extensive correction and revision
that it is now considered virtually his work. It is a useful exposition of
fundamental Neo‑Confucian doctrines, but the work's chief claim to fame
is that it contains a statement correlating the Four Beginnings and Seven
Feelings with principle and material force respectively, a statement which
touched off the historic Four‑Seven Debate with Ki Taesŭng (see below, chapter 6).
31. The
typology of three categories of man has a long tradition; NeoConfucians were
particularly aware of the elaboration of this theme by the NeoConfucian
precursor, Han Yü (768‑824), of the Tang dynasty. Han's description may
be found in Wing‑tsit Chan's Sourcebook,
pp. 451‑553; on earlier versions of this theme, see Chan's comments, Sourcebook, pp. 276 and 453‑454.
4.
Diagram of the Great Learning
1. For
a complete translation of the Great
Learning, see Wing‑tsit Chan, Sourcebook
in Chinese Philosophy, pp. 85‑94, or James Legge, The Chinese Classics, Vol. 1.
2. The
text arranged by Chu Hsi and accompanied by his commentary is entitled Ta‑hstieh chang‑chu (The
Chapters and Sentences of the Great
Learning). This became the authoritative version, and from 1314 on it was a
basic text for the civil service examinations in China. For a discussion of Chu
Hsi's role in establishing and forming the Great
Learning, see Wing‑tsit Chan, "Chu Hsi's Completion of
Neo-Confucianisml," pp. 81‑87.
3. The investigation of things (i.e., principle) is the point of
central importance in this text; see Commentary, "The Investigation of
Principle. On Wang
234 Notes to pp. 84‑90
Yang‑ming's
handling of the phrase, see above, chapter 3, note 17; on the variety of ways
of interpreting this phrase, see Chan, Sourcebook,
pp. 561‑562.
4. An
alternative rendition would be, "When [the principle of] things approaches,
knowledge is extended." On the argument concerning such an interpretation,
See below, Commentary, "Can Principle `Approach'?"
5. I-shu, 15,20a.
6. Ibid., 15.6b.
7. HLTC, 46.14b.
8. HLTC, 46.15b, paraphrased. The honorific
name of Yin T'un (10711142) was Ho‑ching. A disciple of Ch'eng Yi, he
was more noted for his earnestness than brilliance, and was particularly
devoted to mindfulness.
9. Doctrine of the Mean, ch. 27. On the
significance of this phrase, see above, chapter 3, note 18.
10. Mencius, 6A: 15.
"The greater" refers to the mind, "the lesser" to the
senses, which should not be permitted to interfere with the proper function of
the mind. Thus this passage is taken to refer to the Great Learning's "make the intention sincere and rectify the
mind."
11. Analects, 14:42.
12. Doctrine of the Mean, ch. 20.
13. Ta-hsüeh huo wen, 26‑3a, slightly
abbreviated. The portions omitted are indicated by dots in the text.
14. In
the remarks with which Chu Hsi introduces the Great Learning he quotes Ch'eng I as referring to it with this
phrase.
15. On
Kwŏn Kŭn, see above, chapter 3, note 2.
16. The
diagram comes from Kwŏn's Iphak tosŏl (Diagrams and Explanations for
Entering Upon Learning). Its categories and presentation of the
various elements of the first chapter of the Great Learning closely follow
Chu Hsi's remarks in the Ta-hsüeh
huo wen, which is probably the reason T'oegye chose it. The reference to
Kwŏn as an official rather than a scholar is consistent with the fact that
his name by T'oegye's time was no longer mentioned in the transmission of the
Neo‑Confucian Tao to Korea. Even though Kwŏn was, arguably, the
foremost Neo‑Confucian scholar of the Koryŏ‑Yi transition
period, he fell into disrepute for having served both dynasties, for the Korean Neo‑Confucians came
to place a great emphasis upon the purity of not serving in questionable
circumstances.
17.
This line recapitulates the process described in the Great Learning, beginning with the investigation of things, moving
to personal self‑cultivation ("exalting virtue"), and
culminating with the expansion of these effects in the family, state; and whole
world.
18. The translation, beginning with "constantly mindful" is
a free rendition and expansion of a concise but untranslatable phrase which
refers to Analects, 15.6.
19. Yen‑ping
is the honorific name of Chu Hsi's teacher, Li T'ung (10931163). Li was an
important influence in turning Chu Hsi back to Confucianism and away from his
earlier interest in Buddhism and Taoism. The focus on the affairs of daily life reflected in this passage was
one of the most important lessons Chu Hsi learned from him.
Notes
to pp. 90‑104 235
20. Yen‑ping to wen
(Li T'ung's Responses to the Questions of Chu Hsi), fu‑lu (supplement), pp. 22b‑23a.
21. The
courtesy name of Kim Sŏngil (1538‑1593) was Sasun, and his honorific
name was Hakbong. He passed the highest civil service examination in 1568. In
his official career, he held posts as First Counselor and Assistant Master of
the Confucian Academy. He was honored with the posthumous name, Munch'ung. His
collected writings are the Hakbong chip. An account of him is to be found in
the Tosan munhyŏn nok, 3.2a‑5a.
22. On
Yi I, see chapter 1, note 35.
23. On
Yi Tŏkhong, see chapter 3, note
22.
24. Ta-hsüeh huo wen,
discussion of the supplemented fifth chapter of commentary, p. 36b.
25. See above, chapter 3, Commentary, "The Relationship of the Elementary Learning and the Great Learning. "
26. Some were concerned mainly with principle's transcendence of the
categories of inner and outer, while others were concerned to read the passage
in a way that fully reflected the total perfection and unified grasp of all
principle as described by Chu Hsi in the passage he supplies to supplement for
the "lost" fifth chapter of the commentary section of the Great Learning, a chapter which should
comment on precisely this crucial section of the Text. These positions are
described and criticized by T'oegye in a long letter to Chŏng Chajung, TGCS, A, 26.34a‑39b, pp. 627‑630.
27. On
Ki Taesŭng, see Introduction,
note 33.
28. YL, 1.3a.
29. Ijŏng was the courtesy name of Kim Ch'wiryo (1526‑?);
his honorific name was Chamjae. He was a devoted disciple who traveled long
distances to see T'oegye and carried on an extensive written correspondence
with him as well. He does not seem to have held office or made any notable
scholarly mark, however. An account of him is to be found in Tosan munhyŏn nok, 2.9a‑1 la,
B, pp. 961‑962.
30. Ta-hsüeh huo wen, discussion
of the supplemented missing 5th chapter of commentary, p. 36b.
31. YL, 18.23a.
32. In his discussion of T'oegye's final position on this matter Yun
Sasun notes its continuity with his position on the role of principle in the
creation of the universe and his argument in the Four‑Seven Debate. See
Yun Sasun, T'oegye Ch'ŏlhakŭi
yŏngu (Research on T'oegye's Philosophy), pp. 30‑32. On
T'oegye's view of principle as having substance and function, the fundamental
premise of all of T'oegye's positions on these matters, see ibid., pp. 55‑57.
5.
Diagram of Rules of the White Deer Hollow Academy
1. The rules appear in CTTC,
74.16b‑17a; T'oegye has left out one sentence which distributes the items
which belong to the investigation of principle and earnestly practicing, for
this distribution is graphically evident in his diagram.
2.
These remarks immediately follow the rules, ibid., 74.17a-b.
236 Notes
to pp. 105‑113
3. The CTTC text employs a
different phrase here, but the meaning is essentially the same.
4. A
scholar, not to be confused with the famous Tang poet, Li Po.
5. Tao‑hsüeh (Kor. tohak), literally "the learning of
the (true) Tao" is a common designation for the Ch'eng‑Chu school of
thought. It focuses particularly upon the serious moral concern which was
central to this movement, but it also implies a fullness of truth, and its
appropriation by this school of thought aroused considerable antagonism during
Chu Hsi's lifetime.
6. See
above, Address on Presenting the Ten
Diagrams, p. 00.
7. See, for example, Letter to
Kim Ijŏng, TGCS, A, 29.1Ob, p.
681.
8. Isan wŏngyu (Rules for the I Mountain Academy), TGCS, 41.52a, A, p. 936.
9. The courtesy name of Pak Yŏng (1471‑1540) was Chasil,
and his honorific name Songdang. He was primarily a military man and came from
a military family, but spent the years 1494‑1506 (the reign of
Yŏnsan'gŭn) in retirement chiefly studying the Great Learning. His collected works are entitled Songdang chip.
10.
"Integral substance" is the perfect fullness and wholeness of
principle; "great function" is the correlated active and perfect
responsiveness to all creatures and circumstances. These stand for the ultimate
perfection; thus Chu Hsi describes the final perfection of the investigation of
principle and the extension of knowledge in these terms in the passage he
introduces to supplement for the "lost" fifth chapter of the
commentary section of the Great Learning.
11. Chu Hsi was largely responsible for the emergence of the Four
Books (Great Learning, Analects, Mencius, and Doctrine of the
Mean) as the authoritative core of the classical corpus; he held that these
works contained the words of Confucius and Mencius, while the other Classics
were to varying degrees further removed and less reliable reflections of the masters'
teachings. On Chu Hsi's revision of the classical corpus and its significance,
see Wing‑tsit Chan, "Chu Hsi's Completion of
Neo-Confucianisml," pp. 81‑87.
12. See below, chapter 6, on the Four‑Seven Debate, which was
centered on these issues as they relate to understanding the relationship of
human nature and kinds of feelings. This passage is part of one of the
important letters of the debate.
13. On
Kija, see Presentation, note 16.
14. On tohak, see above, note. 5
15. The
sage King Wen (1184?‑1135? B.C.) was the founder of the Chou dynasty.
16.
This letter, written in 1543, is the earliest indication that T'oegye had
resolved to resign and withdraw from public life. The "humiliating
remarks" he mentions refers to the fact that in the atmosphere which
prevailed any such attempt would be (and was) cynically criticized as a self‑serving
evasion of public duty.
17. Cf.
Introduction, "Rise of the Sarim Mentality and the Literati Purges."
18. The
early years of the reign of Yonsan'gun (r. 1494‑1506) are a clear example
of this, for he was blocked at every turn by stubborn resistance and criticism
from the three powerful official organs of remonstrance, the Office of the
Inspector
Notes to pp. 113‑117 237
General,
the Office of the Censor General, and the Office of Special Councilors. There
ensued the bloodiest and most violent purges of Neo‑Confucian officials
in Yi dynasty history. See Edward Wagner, The
Literati Purges, pp. 33‑69.
19. See
especially his Kan Kwae sanggu kangŭi
(Lecture on the Uppermost Yang Line
of the Ch'ien Hexagram), TGCS, A, 7.48a‑49a, pp. 217‑218.
This was a theme to which he frequently returned in his talks with King
Sŏnjo.
20. See his Mujin kyŏngyŏn kyech'a i (Second Exposition of
1568 from the Classics Mat), TGCS, A,
7.3a‑4b, p. 195, which is devoted entirely to this theme.
21. See Introduction, "Rise of the Sarim Mentality and the
Literati Purges." T'oegye wrote his biography, which appears in TGCS, A, 48.28a‑38a, pp. 1061-1066.
22. T'oegye uses it in this way in the letter in which he appeals for
official royal sanction of the White Cloud Hollow Academy. See Letter to Sim
Pangbaek, TGCS, A, 9.4a‑8b, pp.
262‑264.
23. The
courtesy name of Chu Sebong was Kyŏngyu, and his honorific name Sinjae.
His subsequent career included posts as Headmaster of the Confucian Academy and
Governor of Hwanghae Province, where he established another private academy
which in 1555 was honored with a royal bequest of a name plaque and books.
24. On
An Hyang, see Introduction, "The Late Koryŏ‑Early YI Transition
period. "
25.
Earlier in this letter T'oegye mentions that in founding this academy Chu
Sebong had to overcome criticism from those who questioned his action and
thought it strange.
26. These figures are taken from a table in Yi Ch'unhŭi, Yijo sŏwŏn munch'ang ko
(Investigation of the Library Collections of Yi Dynasty Private Academies), p.
17.
27. Ibid., p. 16. The table on p. 17 lists a
total of only 650 private academies; there is no indication of where the figure
of "over 800" comes from; perhaps it takes into account the fact that
the records upon which the table is based are not exhaustive.
28.
After the Japanese Invasions (1590‑1598) publishing became a common
function of the private academies. Their libraries were an important local
cultural resource. The core of these libraries was the standard Neo‑Confucian
collection of the basic works of the Ch'eng‑Chu school such as the Chu Tzu ta-ch'üan, Chu Tzu Yü-lei, Hsing-li
ta-ch'üan, etc. Included also were Korean works, but generally an academy
would include only works associated with the intellectual lineage of its own
faction, so the minds of those educated in this context were already biased
regarding the major issues debated in the course of the Yi dynasty. About 80
percent of the publishing activities were devoted to munjips (collected writings) and memoirs selected according to
factional ties. See ibid., pp. 22‑25.
29. These rituals had a formative or educational function insofar as
they were occasions for reflecting upon and honoring ideal role models. But
even in the earliest (1595) memorials questioning the development of these
academies, it is mentioned that many who are so honored in various academies
are in fact insignificant personages. Ibid.,
p. 18.
30. Ibid., pp. 16‑18.
238 Notes
to pp. 117‑124
31. Ibid., p. 21. Page 19 presents a chart
describing 25 restrictive measures the government took against the academies
between 1655‑1871; 19 of these measures fall in the first 100 years of
that period, reflecting their general ineffectiveness until 1741, when harsh
sanctions were enacted and 300 academies actually were destroyed.
6.
Diagram of the Saying, "The Mind Combines and Governs the
Nature
and the Feelings"
1. On
Ki Taesŭng, see Introduction,
note 33. He was only thirty‑two years old, twenty‑seven years
junior to T'oegye, when the debate between them began. The learning, tenacity,
and thoroughness of his argumentation against T'oegye were a great contribution
to what was attained in the course of the debate. That T'oegye allowed himself
to be pressed so hard by one so much his junior reflects a rare intellectual
humility and openness on his part, especially in a social context which
normally demanded great deference to one's elders.
2. The
courtesy name of Sŏng Hon (1535‑1598) was Howŏn, and his honorific
name was Ugye. He was a close friend of Yulgok, but although he had never
studied with T'oegye, he was convinced of T'oegye's position and debated the
issue from 1572‑1577 in correspondence with Yulgok. This discussion,
occurring just two years after T'oegye's death, attracted wide attention.
3. See Mencius, 2A:6.
4. The Seven Feelings are listed in the Book of Rites, ch. 9. The shorter list of feelings in the first
chapter of the Doctrine of the Mean,
pleasure, anger, sorrow, and joy, are considered likewise to represent the
seven, and along with Mencius, the Doctrine of the Mean's handling of the
feelings is a major consideration in discussing this issue.
5. See
chapter 2, note 32.
6. Chang Tzu chüan‑shu, 14.2a. The
verb in this sentence, t'ung, has a
range of meaning which includes both the idea of combining and the associated
idea of exercising governance or command. This ambivalence was fruitfully
exploited by Neo‑Confucians, who refer to the saying both in the context
of discussing the mind as the subject which combines the nature and feelings as
its substance and function, and in the context of discussing the distinctive
role of the mind as presiding over the two; the present chapter is a case in
point. The two discussions are intimately related, and whichever aspect of t'ung is in the forefront in a given
context, its alternative is implicit within it. For this reason, as well as for
consistency, I will translate t'ung
as "combines and governs," whatever the immediate context, except in
cases where it is used in a compound which singles out one of its aspects.
7. This
description draws heavily on the language of traditional Confucian formulas.
The Book of Rites, ch. 9, says:
"Thus man is [composed ofl the virtue of Heaven and Earth, the interaction
of yin and yang, the combination of the physical and the spiritual, and the
most excellent material force of the Five Agents." The commentary of Kung
Ying‑to (fl. c. 620 A.D.) remarks: "Man is stirred by the most
Notes to pp. 124‑126 239
excellent
material force of the Five Agents and hence possesses humanity, righteousness,
propriety, wisdom, and faithfulness; these are 'the most excellent material
force of the Five Agents.'. . . The combination of the physical and the
spiritual, and the most excellent material force of the Five Agents constitute
man's nature "Li‑chi cheng‑i,
22). While much of the language of this description is preserved by the Neo-Confucians,
the introduction of the dualism of principle and material force and the
equation of the nature with principle are a new departure that transforms the
significance of the traditional description.
8. From
the Book of Changes, Appended
Remarks, pt. I, ch. 10: "The Changes
is without thought, without action; it is still and unmoving. When acted on, it
immediately penetrates all things." Here the characteristics of the mind
of a sage are applied to the Book of
Changes; Neo‑Confucians reapply the passage to describe the substance
and function of the mind of everyman. Thus it becomes part of a theoretical
framework which will support everyman's cultivation of sagehood.
9. Mencius, 6A:8; see also 7A:21.
10. Ibid., 2A:6.
11.
This paragraph is based on the Doctrine
of the Mean, ch. 1. See discussion below, Commentary, "The Two States
of the Mind."
12. I‑ch'uan wen‑chi, 4. la. Yen
Hui was the foremost of Confucius' disciples, and was especially praised by the
Master for his love of learning.
13. In
speaking with King Sŏnjo, T'oegye says, "The first diagram was made
by Ch'eng Lin‑yin, but in his distinguishing principle and material force
there were many inexact points. Thus I removed them and made the second and
third diagrams distinguishing the original nature and the physical nature as
they are discussed by Mencius, the Ch'eng brothers, and Master Chu" (ŎHN, 3.27a, B, p. 832). The
T'oegye sŏnsaeng munjip kojŭng, a book of annotations to T'oegye's Collected Works compiled by the
eighteenth century Korean scholar, Yu Towŏn, gives further details:
"In Ch'eng's original diagram, "mind" was in the center of the
circle with "combines and governs the nature" and "combines and
governs the feelings" arranged to the right and left. Beneath the word
"principle," "called humanity" etc., was absent," in TGCS (B, 3.32b‑33a, pp. 1119‑120).
When we put these passages together, it seems likely that T'oegye felt that
Ch'eng's arrangement of words within the circle suggested a division of nature
and feelings according to principle and material force, an oversimplification
which he is careful to correct with his own two additional diagrams.
14. Doctrine of the Mean, ch. 1. This work
was traditionally attributed to Tzu Ssu, the grandson of Confucius.
15. Mencius, 6A:6.
16. I-shu, 22A:lla.
17.
Cheng meng, ch. 6.
18. Doctrine of the Mean, ch. 1.
19. Mencius, 2A:6.
20.
Ts'ui yen, 2.25a.
21. Yü-lei 4. lOb.
240 Notes
to pp. 126‑132
22. Analects, 17.2.
23. I-shu, 1.7b.
24. Cheng meng, ch. 6:
"After assuming concrete form there is the physical nature; if one is good
at returning it [to its original condition] then the nature of Heaven and Earth
is preserved in one. Therefore, with regard to the physical nature, there is
that which the superior man denies to be his nature." This passage was of
great importance, for in it Chang Tsai ennunciates for the first time the key
doctrine of a "physical nature," and points the way to the
distinction of what comes to be called the "original nature."
25. Yü-lei, 4.lOb.
26. That is, material force may by its turbidity distort the
feelings, which would be purely good if their issuance depended solely upon
principle.
27.
This twofold formula is famous as T'oegye's culminating expression of the
relationship of the Four Beginnings and Seven Feelings. The "principle
mounting material force" description of the Seven Feelings is borrowed
from a horse and rider image Chu Hsi occasionally used to express the basic
relationship of principle and material force. However, he used it only in a
cosmic context. It is notable that T'oegye uses it for only one set of
feelings; Yulgok argues strongly that this single formula must be used for both
sets of feelings, there being only one way in which principle and material
force relate, whether at the cosmic or the human level (See Yulgok chŏnsŏ, 10.15b‑16a).
28. I-shu, 6.2a.
29. Book of Documents, 11.2.15. This passage
is the classical locus for the contrasting concepts, "the human mind"
and "the mind of the Tao," making it an essential reference point for
Neo‑Confucians. For further discussion, see below, chapter 8.
30. This separation led to a dispute among T'oegye's contemporaries
regarding whether the nature could be regarded as acting prior to the mind.
See Letter to Kim Ijŏng, TGCS,
A, 30.17a‑19b, pp. 685‑686.
31. Pal (Chinese, fa), the term here translated as "aroused," I have
translated as "issues," "issuance," etc., in discussing the
relationship of the nature and the feelings in order to avoid the implication
that feelings are something separate from the nature that the nature acts upon
and arouses. This is usually done by translating pal as "manifests,"
but this conventional rendition is inadequate for the context of the Four‑Seven
Debate, where the focus of the issue is the causal activation or issuance of
the feelings by principle and material force.
32. "Cautious and fearful" not in the sense of being
anxious and watchful, which would be active, but in the sense of the profound
reverence and carefulness evoked by the presence of the sacred, an attitude
fully in keeping with a quiescent state of mind.
33. T'oegye first used this formula in 1553 in emending a basically
similar expression in the Ch'ŏnmyŏng
to (Diagram of the Heavenly Mandate), a work of his contemporary,
Chŏng Chi‑un (1509‑1561). On the Ch'ŏnmyŏng to, see
chapter 3,
Notes to pp. 132‑140 241
note
30. For the original and emended diagrams, and T'oegye's long preface, see
TGCS, A, 41.1a‑lla, pp. 911‑916.
For the chapters of explanation, see TGCS,
B,
8.12b‑20b,
pp. 140‑144.
34. TGCS, A, 16.1b, p. 402.
35. TGCS, A, 16.12b‑14a, pp. 407‑408.
36. TGCS, A, 16.8a‑12b, pp. 405‑407.
37. Yü-lei, 53.17b. This brief statement seems to be the only
expression of this doctrine in Chu Hsi's works; since Chu Hsi did not devote
explicit attention to this issue, it could not be finally settled on his
authority.
38. Sa chil li ki wangbok sŏ (The Correspondence Exchanged in the
Four
Seven,
Principle and Material Force Debate), 1.6b‑286, in Kobong
chŏnsŏ (The Complete Works of Ki Taesŭng),
pp. 249‑260. This work contains the complete correspondence of both
T'oegye and Ki Taesŭng relating
to the debate; it was published and circulated separately, and was also
incorporated into the Kobong chŏnsŏ.
39. TGCS, A, 16.19a‑45a, pp. 411‑424.
40. TGCS, A, 16.25a‑28a, pp. 414‑415.
41. Sa chil li ki wangbok
sŏ, 2.1a‑226, Kobong chŏnsŏ,
pp. 273‑283.
42. TGCS, A, 17.2b‑3a, pp. 428‑429. Although he never sent
a reply to
Ki's
second long response, he did evidently jot some notes in response to various
sections
of it. These have been edited and put together with the sections of Ki's
original
letter to which they are addressed, and treated as if it were a letter to Ki.
This
work appears only in TGCS, A,
17>3a‑66, pp. 429‑430.
43. Sa chil li ki wangbok
sŏ, 2.25a‑27a, Kobong
chŏnsŏ, pp. 285‑286.
44. To this point the passage is a
paraphrase of T'oegye's position presented in TGCS, A, 16,9a‑10a, p. 406. Emphasis is mine.
45. Ki and T'oegye are both aware that T'oegye's insistence on a
causal
differentiation
underlying the verbal distinctions made in the authoritative sources is an interpretive
move that goes beyond what is explicitly said by Chu Hsi on this matter,
although T'oegye is convinced he is being loyal to Chu Hsi's intent.
46. Sa chil li ki wangbok sŏ, 1.9a‑10a, Kobong chŏnsŏ, p. 259.
47. Cf. TGCS, A, 16.27a‑28a, p. 415.
48. Sa chil li ki wangbok sŏ, 1.25b, Kobong chŏnsŏ. P. 259.
49. Mencius, 2A:6.
50. The language of principle
mounting material force was applied by Ki Taesŭng to the Four Beginnings;
T'oegye here concedes the usage insofar as it expresses the interdependence of
principle and material force. In his own final formulation, however, he
abandons this image in describing the Four Beginnings, because it cannot bring out the priority of principle which is
his point.
51. The.discussion at this point
has touched on the Great Learning, com
mentary
section, ch. 7, which discusses these four feelings in negative terms. T'oegye views these four, and the remarks
made about them, to pertain generically to the Seven
Feelings.
52. For a discussion of the
differences between the development of Chu
Hsi's
242 Notes
to pp. 143‑147
thought
in China and the issues which become paramount in Korea with T'oegye's thought,
see Tu Wei‑ming, "T'oegye's Creative Interpretation of Chu Hsi's
Philosophy of Principle."
7.
Diagram of the Explanation of Humanity
1.
Analects, 12:22.
2. Mencius, 2A:6.
3. The
"Treatise" (Jen shuo) is to
be found in ChuTzu ta‑ch'üan, 67.206216.
For an English translation, see Wing‑tsit Chan, Sourcebook, pp. 593‑597.
4. The
"Diagram" appears in Yü‑lei,
105.71a. The "Treatise" and the "Diagram" appear
together in HLTC 35.ba‑Sb.
5. Wing‑tsit Chan notes that this formulation is central in Chu
Hsi's treatment of jen, and appears
in over ten places in his notes on the Analects
and Mencius, including Analects 1:2 and Mencius IA:1. See Wing‑tsit Chan (Chen Jung‑chieh),
"Lün Chu‑tzu chih jen‑shuo" (Discussion of Chu Hsi's Treatise on Jen).
6. See ibid., p. 391, where Chan discusses the
"Diagram".
7. A saying of Ch'eng I: Wai-shu, 3.1a. Sheng, here rendered "produce and give life," means life,
the generation of life, or production. The idea of the universe here is one of
a dynamic, vital organism which continually produces new life and also functions
to support and foster it through the whole process of growth and fruition, a
concept that becomes central in the Neo‑Confucian interpretation of jen. See discussion below, Commentary, "Jen as the Generative Life‑Force."
8. From Ch'eng I's comparison of the mind with a seed, and jen as its nature to grow: I-shu, 18.2a. See discussion below,
Commentary, "]en as the
Generative Life‑Force. "
9. Analects, 12.1. Chou Tun‑i
attempted to equate jen with
impartiality, but while the two are closely connected, impartiality is only a
state of consciousness and does not do justice to the social, relational nature
of jen; thus Chu Hsi here connects
them but avoids equating them. See Wing‑tsit Chan, "The Evolution of
the Neo‑Confucian Concept of Jen,"
pp. 311‑312.
10.
This follows Ch'eng I's description of the relationship of filial piety,
respectfulness, and altruism to jen:
I-shu, 18.16 and 15.86. One sees here how the Neo‑Confucian
categories of substance and function serve to give a systematic order to the
many ideas that were traditionally closely associated with or equated with jen.
11.
T'oegye's text has chih ("know")
instead of the very similar character, chih
("wisdom") which appears in both the HLTC and the Chu Tzu
ta-ch'üan. I have followed the latter meaning. The variant reading would
not alter the point of the comment, which is a critique of Hsieh Liang‑tso's
attempt to interpret jen as consciousness
(see discussion below, Commentary, "Jen
as consciousness. Chu Hsi says that consciousness is the function of
wisdom, and related to jen insofar as
jen encompasses the other virtues of
the natures, including wisdom; hence it is a distortion to use it as a direct
manifestation of jen (see CTTC, 42.19a‑b, Letter to Wu HuI-shu).
Notes to pp. 147‑154 243
12.
T'oegye has shortened the original text of the Treatise by 301 characters (the original text totals 824
characters). What he has omitted is either already clear in the Diagram, or an embellishment rather than
a main idea, or, in the case of the final paragraph which he omitted, an
expansion on the difficulties which attend the interpretations of Hsieh Liang‑tso
and Yang Shih. His intention to shorten the text is clear from the manner in
which he omits even inessential pronouns and short phrases that do not alter
the basic meaning or coherence of the text. His need to do this undoubtedly
stemmed from his intention to produce a text each chapter of which could be
mounted on a single panel of a ten‑panel screen. The text of this
chapter, in its shortened form, can just be fit into such a format. The same
considerations are also probably the reason for the very abbreviated nature of
T'oegye's own remarks in this chapter.
13. Changes, Hexagram number 1, Ch'ien (Heaven).
14. Analects, 12:1.
15. Analects, 13:19.
16. Both of these sayings come
from the Classic of Filial Piety, ch.
14.
17. A
paraphrase of I-shu, 11.56.
18. I-shu, 18.1a.
19.
Instead of "said," (wei), the
text in Chu Tzu ta-ch'üan reads
"criticized" (he); the text
in HLTC, however, like T'oegye, has wei.
20.
This refers to the doctrine of Yang Shih. See discussion, Commentary, "The
Universe as a Single Body."
21. This refers to Hsieh Liang‑tso.
See discussion, below, Commentary, " Jen
as Consciousness."
22. Analects, 6:30.
23. I-shu, 24.3a.
24. Great Learning, commentary section, ch.
3.
25. I-shu, ZA.2a.
26. HLTC, 35.76, annotation to text of Treatise.
27.
Wing‑tsit Chan tr., Sourcebook, p. 596.
28.
Chan, "Lun Chu‑tzu jen‑shuo,"
p. 391.
29. The courtesy name of Chang Shih (1133‑1180) was Chin‑fu
(or Ching-fu), and his honorific name was Nan‑hsien. He was an
illustrious scholar and a close friend of Chu Hsi. Chi Hsi formulated his
"Treatise" in the context of an ongoing discussion and debate on the
issues with Chang. The most important letters dealing directly with the
"Treatise" are to be found in CTTC,
32.16b‑21b.
30. CTTC, 32.19a, Letter to Chang Chin‑fu).
31.
C77C, 32.21a.
32. Analects, 12:1.
33. Changes, Appended Remarks, pt. 2, ch. 1.
34. Changes, Hexagram no. 24, fu (return).
35. Yŭ‑lei, 95.86‑9a.
36. These two phrases are the essence of Chu Hsi's analysis of jen. See above, note 5.
244 Notes
to pp. 154‑159
37. I-shu, 18.2a.
38. Yü-lei, 95.9a; this is
a continuation of the passage in which he also elaborated Ch'eng Hao's
paralysis image (see above, note 31).
39. CTTC, 74.19a.
40.
Chan, "The Evolution of the Neo‑Confucian Concept of Jen, " p. 316.
41. The courtesy name of Hsieh Liang‑tso (1059‑1103) was
Hsien‑tao, and his honorific name was Shang‑ts'ai. He was one of
the most distinguished pupils of the Ch'eng brothers.
42. HLTC, 35.76, annotation to text of
"Treatise."
43. See
Yü-lei, 6.166.
44. See
Yü-lei, 6.17a.
45. CTTC, 32.20a‑b, Letter to Chang
Chin‑fu.
46. It is possible that in scanning T'oegye's correspondence some
relevant passages may have been missed, but those I have found are as follows:
The longest passage (37.116‑136) discusses Analects 6:23, which relates jen
and wisdom to mountains and water respectively. Two passages (21.22a‑b;
35.366‑37a) discuss the substance‑function relationship of jen and wisdom mentioned by Chu Hsi in
his commentary on the Diagram of the
Supreme Ultimate." Another passage explains sayings of Ch'eng I that
link jen to the pulse and to the
sight of a baby chick (21.13ab). There are two passing references to jen in terms directly connected with the
"Treatise" and "Diagram" (25.36a; 37.26a). One letter
explicates a passage in which Ch'eng I discusses commiseration in terms of life
or vitality and briefly reaffirms the relationship of consciousness with
knowing and wisdom (24.66‑7a); another discusses jen and commiseration in the course of considering the transcendent
unity of principle and the mind's similar transcending of the distinction of
interior and exterior (19.37b38a).
47. See Chu sŏ
chŏryŏ (The Essentials of Chu Hsi's Letters), 3.21a‑22a;
28b29a; 396‑41a (selections from letters to Chang Chin‑fu [Chang
Shih), and 9.llb12a (Letter to Wu HuI-shu).
48. TGCS, A, 24.7a, p. 579, Letter to
Chŏng Chajung.
49. See
above, note 29.
8.
Diagram of the Study of the Mind
1. On the Classic of the Mind‑and‑Heart, see above,
Introduction, "T'oegye's Learning. "
2. An early Ming dynasty scholar, Ch'eng Min‑cheng (1445‑1499+),
produced the Hsin‑ching fu‑chu.
His honorific name was Huang‑tun. For a long time T'oegye had no
information on his life, but finally became aware of an account which indicated
certain flaws in his character, a revelation which was a heavy blow for
T'oegye, as he recounts in his postscript to the Classic (Simgyŏng huron, TGCS, A, 41.12a‑13a). Ch'eng's
greatly expanded edition adds extensive quotes from Chu Hsi and Ch'eng I
dealing with every aspect of mindfulness, making it rather prolix and
Notes to pp. 159‑162 245
repetitious.
But T'oegye defended it when some of his pupils suggested that it should be
reedited, saying that it already possessed a near classic status and was not to
be tampered with (A, 23.30a‑b, p. 562, Letter to Cho Sagyŏng).
3. On Ch'eng Fu‑hsin, see
above, chapter 2, note 32.
4. Hsin-ching fu-chu, table of contents, p. 5b.
5. A, 14.366, p. 378, Letter to
Yi Sukhŏn.
6. On the development of the study of the mind‑and‑heart
in the Yuan dynasty, see Wm. Theodore deBary, Neo‑Confucian Orthodoxy and
the Learning of the Mind‑and‑Heart,
pp. 67‑185; pp. 73‑82 deal particularly with Chen's Classic of the Mind‑and Heart.
7. This
text appears in Hsin-ching fu-chu,
table of contents, pp. 5a‑b.
8. Mencius, 4B:12:
"The Great Man is he who does not lose his mind of the infant."
9. Mencius, 6A:8. After
describing how a mountain is deforested not because it is naturally barren but
because of the constant violence cutting timber and pasturing animals have done
its vegetation, he says: "As for man, how could he but have a mind of
humanity and righteousness! The way he loses his naturally good mind is similar
to the way the bills and axes [destroyed] the trees."
10. Book of Documents, pt.
2, 2.15. See below, Commentary, "The Human Mind and the Mind of the
Tao."
11. See
above, note 7.
12. Mencius, 6A:10.
13. See
above, note 10.
14. Book of Documents, pt.
2, 2.15, and Doctrine of the Mean,
ch. 20, respectively.
15. Doctrine of the Mean,
ch. 1: "There is nothing more visible than what is hidden, nothing more
manifest than what is subtle; therefore the superior man is watchful over
himself when alone." As for the other items on this side, "overcome
and return" is from Analects,
12:1: "To overcome oneself and return to propriety constitutes
humanity." "The mind is present" refers to Great Learning, commentary section, ch. 7: "When the mind is
not present, we look but do not see, listen but do not hear, eat, but do not
know the taste. This is what is meant by saying that the cultivation of one's
person consists of the rectification of one's mind." "Recovering the
errant mind," comes from Mencius,
6A:11: "How lamentable it is to neglect the path and not pursue it, to
lose one's [innately good] mind and not know to seek it! . . . The tao of
learning is nothing other than seeking the errant mind, and that is all."
"The mind is rectified" refers to the Great Learning, ch. 1: "Those who wished to cultivate their
persons would first rectify their minds."
16. Mencius, 2A:2, in which
Mencius says of himself, "At forty my mind was not moved [by high
position, power, and the like]."
17. Mencius, 3B:2. This is from his
description of "the great man."
18. Doctrine of the Mean, ch.
1: "The Tao cannot be separated from us for a moment; what can be
separated from us is not the Tao. Therefore the superior man is cautious about
what he does not see and apprehensive about what he does not
246 Notes to pp. 162‑167
hear."
As for the other items on this side, "grasp and preserve" comes from Mencius, 6A:8: "Confucius said,
"If you grasp it, it will be preserved; if you let it go, it will be lost.
. . ' This is the characterization of the mind." "The mind exercises
thought" refers to Mencius,
6A:15: "The office of the mind is thought. If it exercises thought, it
attains [what is proper]; if it does not exercise thought, it does not attain
it." "Nurturing the mind" refers to Mencius, 7B:35: "To nurture the mind, there is nothing as good
as making the desires few." "Exhaustively realized" comes from Mencius, 7A:1: "He who has
exhaustively realized his mind will know his nature; he who knows his nature knows
Heaven. Preserving the mind and nurturing one's nature are the ways to serve
Heaven."
19. Analects, 2:2, where
Confucius says of himself, "At seventy, I could follow the inclinations of
my heart and mind without transgressing what was right."
20. Doctrine of the Mean, ch. 20; this
describes the qualities of a sage.
21. I-shu, 15.20a.
22. I-shu, 15.66.
23. A
saying of Hsieh Liang‑tso, HLTC,
46.146. These three sayings are among the most important early descriptions of
mindfulness.
24. See
Great Learning, ch. 1.
25.
This was actually T'oegye's own major reservation about this diagram until he
hit upon this solution. See A, 23, 276‑296, pp. 561‑562, Letter to
Cho Sagyŏng.
26. Mencius, 6A:11.
27. Great Learning, commentary section, ch.
7.
28.
Analecu, 6:7.
29. See
Changes, Appended Remarks, pt. 2, ch.
4.
30.
T'oegye especially praises Ch'eng Fu‑hsin for his reluctance to serve a
ruler whose proper claim to the throne was questionable (this was a Mongol
dynasty), a quality highly emphasized by Korean Neo‑Confucians (see
Introduction on the "sarim mentality"), and also for his devotion to
the pursuit of learning during long years of retirement, which T'oegye himself
esteemed highly and sought with an urgency that approached almost desperation.
31. On
these phrases, see above, notes 8‑13.
32. Book of Documents, pt. 2, 2.15.
33. The
"emptiness" of the mind refers to its being empty of any definite
object, including the self (no innate self‑centeredness) or any other
object; hence it is universal in scope, able to respond to anything
appropriately. T'oegye is thus inclined to attribute emptiness particularly to
the "principle" aspect of mind in view of the transcendent all‑inclusiveness
and nonspecificity of principle. "Spirituality" (gong, ling) has to
do with the mysterious, nonphysical mode of the mind's activity, which T'oegye
attributes to the purity of subtlety (yong, ling) of the material force aspect
of the mind's constitution. See Chŏnmyŏng
tosŏl, ch. 6, B, 8.17a‑b, p. 143. See also his lengthy defense
of this position, especially with reference to relating principle and
emptiness, which Ki Taesŭng
critized: A, 16.40a‑42a, pp. 421‑422, Letter to Ki
Myŏngŏn.
Notes
to pp. 167‑178 247
34. Hsin-ching fu-chu, l.la‑b.
35. Wm. Theodore deBary, Neo‑Confucian Orthodoxy and the
Learning of the Mind‑and‑Heart, pp. 81‑82.
36. A,
23.236‑24a, p. 559, Letter to Cho Sagyŏng.
37. A,
25.19a‑b, p. 600, Letter to Chŏng Chajung.
38. From the beginning of the Four‑Seven Debate T'oegye saw the
distinction between the Four Beginnings and Seven Feelings as paralleling the
mind of the Tao and human mind, and one notes a similarity between his careful
qualification of the human mind as initially `correct' and the recognition,
forced upon him by Ki Taesŭng's
criticism, that the Seven Feelings are originally "nothing but good."
(See his comments in chapter 6 on the third diagram.)
39. deBary, Neo‑Confucian Orthodoxy and the Learning of the
Mind‑and‑Heart, pp. 81‑82.
40. A,
14.40b, p. 380, Letter to Yi Sukhŏn.
41. On this development, see deBary, Neo‑Confucian Orthodoxy
and the Learning of the Mind‑and‑Heart,
pp. 78‑82. Ki Taesŭng's
strong defense of the Seven Feelings in the Four‑Seven Debate originated
from his opposition to a current tendency in Korea that gave them no connection
with man's original nature, a manifestation of a similar sort of excessive
rigorism and negativity regarding the place of these feelings. See Sa chil i ki wangbok sŏ, 2.186, in Kobong chŏnjip, p. 281.
9.
Diagram of the Admonition for Mindfulness
Studio
1. ŎHN, 1.206, TGCS, B, p. 798.
2. See
below, note 9.
3.
Reference to I-shu, 18.3a.
4.
Reference to I-shu, 11.2a, a
paraphrase of Odes, #266.
5.
According to Chu Hsi's explanation, YL,
105.8a, these are not the familiar small anthills, but hillocks or towers of
mud which are found in north China; they are close together, the path between
them being like narrow, twisting alleys.
6. Analects, 12:2.
7. Odes, #195, also quoted
in Analects, 8:3, and Classic of Filial Piety, ch. 3:
"Always cautious and fearful, as if overlooking a deep gulf, as if
treading on thin ice. "
8. Book of Rites, ch. 24, On What is Proper
in Ancestor Sacrifices (Li chi cheng‑i,
chuan 47, in Shih‑san thing chu‑shu,
p. 1593): "How reverent! How sincere! As if [fearing] not to succeed,
as if about to lose it; their filial and reverent dispositions are indeed
perfect!"
9. The
versions of the Admonition found in Chu Tzu ta‑ch'uan, 85.6a, and Hsing‑Li ta‑ch'üan, 70.24a
have ching ("discerning,
refined") instead of hsin ("heart,
mind") in this phrase, a reading which would make it a quote of the Book of Documents, pt. 2, 2.15;
"The human mind is insecure, the mind of the Tao is subtle; be discerning,
be undivided. Hold fast the Mean!" The text as it appears in the annotated
and
248 Notes
to pp. 178‑181
supplemented
version of the Classic of the Mind‑and‑Heart
(Hsin-ching fu-chu, 4.21a) has the
reading followed by T'oegye.
10. A paraphrase of I-shu, 15.9a.
11. Paraphrasing Chuang Tzu,
ch. 11, which says of man's mind‑and‑heart: "Its heat is that
of burning fire, its cold that of solid ice," a reference to the feelings
of anger and fear, respectively.
12. Ssu‑ma Ch'ien's preface to the Shih chi (Shih chi, chüan 130): "Miss it by a hair's breadth
and it becomes a discrepancy of a thousand li. " He ascribes the saying to
the Book of Changes, but it is no
longer to be found there. The saying became a commonplace of which Neo‑Confucians
were particularly fond. It applies both to dealing with affairs, and even more
to the world of the intellect, where it was felt slight inaccuracies might
ramify into a serious departure from the true Tao--especially slipping into
Buddhism.
13. The "Three Guidelines" are the bonds between ruler and
minister, father and son, and husband and wife, the former providing the standard
for the latter in each of these relationships. The "Nine Laws" refers
to the nine sections of the Grand Plan (Legge, Book of Documents, V.4), which constitute a virtual charter for
civilization.
14. YL, 105.8a, abbreviated.
15. YL, 105.8a.
16. YL, 105.82.
17.
Quoted in Hsin-ching fu-chu, 4.216.
18. Lin‑ch'uan was the honorific name of Wu Ch'eng (1249‑1333);
his courtesy name was Yu‑ch'ing, and he is also known by another
honorific name, Tsao-lu. He was a leading Yüan dynasty exponent of the Ch'eng‑Chu
school of thought. An account of him appears in the Ihak T'ongnok, 10.8a‑1 lb, TGCS, B, pp. 507‑509.
19.
Quoted in Hsin-ching fu-chu, 4.226.
20. On
Chen, see Introduction, note 23.
21. Hsin-ching fu-chu, 4.226.
22. On
Chang Shih, see chapter 7, note 29.
23. Chu‑tzu ta‑ch'üan, 85.56.
24. YL, 105.76.
25. The courtesy name of Wang Po (1197‑1274) was Hui‑chih,
and Luchai was his honorific name. He was a leading scholar who studied with
He Chi, a disciple of Chu Hsi's son‑in‑law and chief doctrinal
heir, Huang Kan. The doctrine of mindfulness was one of his chief concerns, and
this diagram arose through his own attempt to make Chu Hsi's Admonition the norm and guide of his daily life. For an account of him, see Sung‑Yüan hsüeh‑an, chüan
75.
26.
Paraphrase of YL, 12.76.
27. Mencius 6A:11.
28. Ibid., 7A:1.
29. I-shu, 15.1 a.
30. Doctrine of the Mean, ch. 1.
31. Analects, 1:4: "Tseng Tzu said: `Everyday I examine myself on
three
Notes to pp. 181‑189 249
points:
In acting on behalf of others, have I been loyal; in my intercourse with
friends, have I been faithful to my word; regarding [the instruction] that has
been passed on to me, have I versed myself in it."
32. Analects, 8:4:
"With regard to the Tao, the gentleman especially values three things:
that in his deportment and manner he keep far from violence and heedlessness;
that in regulating his countenance he keep near to good faith; that in his
words and tones he keep far from lowness and impropriety."
33. Analects, 12:1:
"Yen Yüan said: "I beg to ask the items [involved in overcoming
oneself and returning to propriety].' The Master said: "Do not look at
what is contrary to propriety, do not listen to what is contrary to propriety,
do not say what is contrary to propriety, make no movement which is contrary to
propriety' "
34.
Confucius' two foremost disciples.
35. This is a slightly abridged quote from a letter of Chu Hsi to He
Shu-ching which T'oegye cites in his account of He Shu‑ching (Ihak T'ongnok, 3.7a, TGCS, B, p. 311). However the passage
does not appear in any of Chu Hsi's 32 letters to He which appear in Chu Tzu ta-ch'üan, chüan 40, nor is it
included in T'oegye's abridged edition of Chu Hsi's letters, the Chusŏ chŏryŏ.
36. I-shu, 15.66.
37. I-shu, 15.66.
38. I-shu, 15.1 a.
39. A saying of Ch'eng I's disciple, Yin T'un. On Yin, see above,
chapter 4, number 8.
40. This is Hsieh Liang‑tso's expression of what constitutes
mindfulness. See HLTC, 46.146. On
Hsieh, see above, chapter 7, number 41.
41. Mencius 2A:2.
42. On
Yi Tŏkhong, see above, chapter 3, nunber 22.
43. On
these sayings, see above, numbers 40 and 39 respectively.
44. Mencius, 2A:2.
45.
Ch'eng I's description, I-shu, 15.66.
46.
Paraphrase of Doctrine of the Mean, ch.
1.
47.
Reference to Mencius, 6A:11.
48. See
above, notes 40, 39, 38 respectively.
49. The original letter from Yi I appears in Yulgok chŏnsŏ (The Complete Works of Yi I), 9.26‑3a.
I have not been able to locate the original source of either of these
quotations. According to the annotation in T'oegye
munjip koch'ung, 4.306 (TGCS, B, p. 1141) the "Mister
Fang" referred to is Fang Feng‑ch'en (fl. c. 1250), a Sung dynasty
scholar. His courtesy name was Chün‑hsi, and his honorific name was Chiao‑feng.
50. Odes, #288.
51. Odes, #272.
52. Mencius, 7A:1.
53. Hsin-ching fu-chu, 1.46; the
passages quote Odes #236 and #300 respectively.
54. Hsin-ching fu-chu, 1.Sa.
T'oegye (Reply to Cho Sagyŏng, A,
23.31b‑
250 Notes
to pp. 189‑207
32a, p.
563) notes that there is some doubt about the ascription of this passage to Chu
Hsi, since it cannot be found in his commentary on the Odes, but he nonetheless feels it is possible the passage comes
from somewhere else in Chu's works and is not inclined to ascribe it to the pen
of Chen Te‑hsiu.
55. Reply to Kim Tonsŏ, A,
28.22b, p. 662.
10. Diagram of the Admonition on "Rising Early and
Retiring Late"
1. The
title is a reference to a passage in Book
of Odes, #256. The author of the Admonition is Ch'en Po, a Sung dynasty
scholar. His courtesy name was Mao-ch'ing and his honorific name was Nan‑t'ang.
There is no mention of him in the Sung‑Yüan
hsüeh‑an or other standard biographical sources.
2. A,
10.14a, p. 288, Letter to No Susin.
3. Yen Hui and Tseng Tzu were
two of Confucius' foremost disciples.
4. Ref. to Mencius, 6A:8,
which describes how the atmosphere of the night tends to restore human nature
to its proper condition and repair the violence done to it during the day.
5. Changes; the Ch'ien (Heaven) hexagram mentions four characteristics of Heaven.
These were commonly matched with the four seasons, with steadfastness and
origination belonging to winter and spring, respectively.
6. See
above, number 1.
7. See
chapter 9, number 25.
8. Doctrine of the Mean, ch. 1.
9. Ibid., ch. 1.
10. Reference to the final passages of Chu Hsi's Admonition for
Mindfulness Studio, which appears above, chapter 9.
11. Mencius, 6A:15.
12. Ibid., 2A:2.
13. Ibid., 2A:2.
14. Analects, 9:11. In admiration on
Confucius' teaching, Yen Hui says, "The more I try to bore into it, the
harder it becomes."
15. Ibid., 1:8.