Week Two: April 5 The
Magic Power of Words.
The
early history of writing in China.
The use of written words in divination, magic, and scripture. Daoist elements in calligraphy.
Assignments:
Visit
museum for an overview of the exhibition
Reading: You
may prefer to read the articles in the order in which they were published: Ledderose, Boltz, Tseng, then Nylan,
rather than the order they are listed in in the syllabus. This will make some issues, especially
in Nylan, clearer.
Michael
Nylan, "Calligraphy, the Sacred Text, and the Test of Culture," in
Cary Liu, Dora Ching, and Judith Smith, eds., Character and Context in Chinese Calligraphy, pp. 16-77.
*William
Boltz, "Early Chinese Writing," World
Archaeology 17 (1986),
420-36.
*Lothar
Ledderose, "Some Daoist Elements in the Calligraphy of the Six
Dynasties
Calligraphy," T'oung Pao 70
(1984), 246-78.
*Tseng
Yuho, A History of Chinese Calligraphy,
pp. 75-96.
Recommended
further reading:
Tseng
Yuho, A History of Chinese Calligraphy, scan
remaining chapters.
Amy
McNair, "Texts of Taoism and Buddhism and the Power of Calligraphic
Style," in Robert Harrist and Wen Fong, eds., The Embodied Image: Chinese Calligraphy from the John B. Elliott
Collection, pp. 224-39.
William
Boltz. The Origin and Development of the Chinese Writing System.
David
Keightley, Sources of Shang History.
Questions for class
discussion
Nylan,
"Calligraphy, the Sacred Text, and the Test of Culture"
1. Nylan
(57) asserts that "the common assumption that China has from time
immemorial been preeminently an `empire of texts' is demonstrably
false." She does not name her
opponents, but two recent books come to mind. Christopher Connery's The
Empire of the Text argues for the authority of texts in Qin-Han China. Mark Lewis's Writing and Authority in Early China has a part titled the
"Empire of the Text"; this book concerns the evolving uses of writing
to command assent and obedience in early China. Can you imagine what their counter-arguments would be to Nylan's
interpretation?
2. How much
of Ledderose's argument would Nylan have agreed with? Where would she have disagreed the most vehemently?
3. Nylan
notes that Shang oracle bone inscriptions "must have been made after the
ritual application to the gods had been performed," and she goes on to
conclude, "It is important to remember, then, that ritual communication
between the spirit and human worlds did not take written form in Shang, so far
as we know." (58, n. 2) In terms of providing written text with
a sacred or supernatural investiture, does her observation really matter all
that much, and is the conclusion she draws from this really logical?
4. In
following Nylan's iconoclastic 7-step evolution of the term wen as a guide to the changing status of
writing relative to oral recitation, what does she suggest about the role of
politics (or "mere politics," 23) and class in the emergence of a
calligraphic aesthetic? What does
"reinfeudation" (21) have to do with aesthetics? Why does aestheticization supposedly
reveal the ascendance of writing over oral rhetoric?
5. When a
word is as ambiguous and rapidly-changing as Nylan shows wen to be, how can we ever be quite sure what it meant at any given
time? How does this same
uncertainty appear in the "new school" - "old school" (jinwen - guwen) text controversy and -- however ironically -- contribute to
the eventual privileging of written versus
oral tradition? Is the graphic
nature of Chinese language distinctive in allowing for (or resisting) slippage
in meaning over time?
6. In the
rise of calligraphy as an art form, whose artistry attaches to the
"special abilities" and reveals the "extraordinary dignity"
of the writer (19), Nylan suggests that before the Eastern Han writers were
primarily anonymous scribes and clerks, artisans employed by those of higher
status; is this a wholly acceptable notion?
7. Nylan
contrasts "art" with "functional beauty" (19), but by this
do you think that she meant in the practice of writing as an art form, calligraphy somehow rose above function?
Boltz, "Early
Chinese Writing"
1. Outline
Boltz's three stage evolution in the development of early Chinese writing. At what stage, and in what context, are
we first able today to see Chinese writing? If writing at that stage already constitutes a graphically
"fully developed, mature, and versatile system" (429) with nothing
"primitive" or "rudimentary" about it (424), what kind of a
prior history -- graphic and contextual -- can you imagine for it? What is the basis on which Boltz charts
an unfolding three-stage development for Shang writing?
2. In this
contextual framework, can you envision any reason why oracle bone inscriptions
and bronze inscriptions might constitute two different linguistic or graphic
systems? On what basis does Boltz
suggest (423-4) that bronze inscriptions reflect a "form" that my
actually antedate that of oracle bone inscriptions?
3. Boltz
refers to some scholars' "enthusiasm to see a relation between these marks
[on neolithic ceramics] and Chinese characters" (430). Who do you imagine would possess this
"enthusiasm" and for what kinds of reasons? Conversely, given the natural impulse to imagine the early
phases of Chinese language's graphic development, why wouldn't most scholars
possess some sort of "enthusiasm"?
4. What are
the long-term aesthetic implications of the Chinese graphic system having
remained historically "arrested" (429) at the
"determinative" phase of its development (unlike Mesopotamian
cuneiform and Egyptian hieroglyphs)? What are some of the long-term social implications?
Ledderose,
"Some Daoist Elements in the Calligraphy of the Six Dynasties
Calligraphy"
1. Ledderose
points out many parallels between what was going on in religious Daoism in the
fourth century and in the development of calligraphy as an art. What sort of causal connections do you
think he sees at work here?
2. Ledderose makes much more of Wang Xizhi's connections
to Daoist masters than the very exalted social status of his family. Do you think ranking at the very
highest level of the aristocracy of this period would also help explain any
features of his calligraphy?
3. How does
the leading Daoist Tao Hongjing fit into the story Ledderose tells?
4. What does
Ledderose mean by saying authenticity was a matter of degree (271)? How were calligraphic and Daoist texts
similar in this regard?
5. According
to Ledderose, those who were writing while in touch with the gods, like the
mystic Yang Xi, seemed to have a preference for cursive and semi-cursive
script. (257-8) He even speaks, in
the case of Wang Xizhi, of investing secular cursive script with some of the
qualities of sacred cursive writings?
Why this preference among script types, and where does this leave
regular script? Looking at any
given writing style, textual content and production context aside, can you
determine if it is religious or not?
Tseng Yuho, A History of Chinese Calligraphy
Mark up your copy by writing in the margins the
approximate century of each of the illustrations in this chapter. Then try to keep chronology in mind as
you look at them and think about these questions:
1. Are you
more impressed by continuities over time or changes? What appear to be continuities? What changes can you detect?
2. Look
particularly at the pieces of Han or earlier date. Do they in any way challenge Nylan's view that writing was
rarely imbued with magic or spiritual force in early times?
3. Do you
see any connections between star maps and talismans?
4. Look at
the examples of dragon and bird script, figs. 4.12 to 4.16. Can you recognize any characters? Can you make any guesses? What might be the point of elaborating
characters to the point of illegibility?