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4 Individual strips in the open-field system were this size. It would take less than a day for a single worker to plow and plant that much, hardly a 'long lettyng' (7). Of course, the 'half-acre' is a metaphor for all the ordinary, necessary activities of life, as becomes clear in the lines that follow, detailing the duties of the prospective pilgrims.
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This line (absent the second half-line in K-F) and the next are combined into a single long line in Ra. Kane accepts this as a complete line, without the second half-line added by K-F).
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7. The veil she wears designates her as well-to-do, probably a member of the upper class.
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9ff. The production of cloth and of cloth goods Piers assigns to women, a practical reality as well as one that corresponds to the picture of the ideal of the perfect wife that closes the Old Testament book of Proverbs (31: 10-31).
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19 The use of expensive fabrics, such as silk and cendal (a fine silk), was frequently controlled by statute, sumptuary laws. There were contemporary attempts to limit the wearing of silk to knights and ladies whose income was more than £40 a year (?? Rotuli Parliamentorum III. 66b).
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23-5 The knight readily accepts Piers's guidance and his expressedwillingness to learn how to plow is taken by Piers as a sign of genuine humility (even if it would be a breach of the conventional duties of the knight's estate). The 'tem' (24) probably has a double meaning: the 'team' that pulls the plow, but also the 'theme' (as a subject of teaching).
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26ff. Piers reasserts the conservative view of the roles of the various estates: it is the duty of laborers to work and sweat; knights are to hunt down and control wasters and evildoers, human and animal.
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35-7 The social and legal relations between laborer (Piers) and nobility (knight) are defined in explicitly contractual terms: in response to Piers's 'covenaunt' (29), the knight plights his troth (36) to keep 'this foreward' (37). The agreement is, furthermore, one to which the knight responds '[c]urteisliche' (35).
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38 Perkyn is clearly in a positionof power here, and insists on additional components of the knight's agreement: namely, that he is committed not to mistreat his tenants and bondsmen, not to accept gifts, to keep his word and not to listen to 'tales.'
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54ff Piers actually dresses appropriately for working in the field and not in any way distinctively in pilgrim's fashion (52). This, reinforced by his substitution his 'hoper' for a pilrgrim's 'scrippe' (56), gives us the sense that what he is doing is, metaphorically at least, his form of pilgrimage. This is consistent with the virtual pilgrimage to Truth that has been been repeatedly substituted for actual pilgrimages to distant shrines.
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57 A bushel of seed would be about the ordinary amount to sow a half-acre.
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64ff. Such low-life 'entertainers' are not included among those whose lives are faithful. Their categorical exclusion from accepted society is reinforced by firm biblical authority: Psalm 69 [68]: 28. (See also, Exodus 32:32-33; Revelation 3:5.) The ideal that the church would not accept offerings from such people, of course, may not have been followed in practice.
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67-69. Deleantur de libro [viventium]... et cum iustis non scribantur. "Let them be blotted out of the book of the living, and not be written with the righteous." Ps. 69:28.
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70 Their 'escape' and 'good luck' are meant ironically, as the prayer for their amendment makes clear.
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70-73. These four lines, containing the names of the wife and children of Piers were thought by Manly (CHEL, II, 37) to be a scribal interpolation, interrupting as they do Piers' remarks about his preparations for the pilgrimage. The fact that the lines are retained in the B and C revisions would then provide evidence in favor of the theory of multiple authorship.
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71-4 The listing of Piers's allegorical family here anticipates their being mentioned in his 'bequest' which follows. Their names articulate the kind of straightforward practical and proverbial wisdom that Piers himself instructs others to follow. His wife's name may allude to ??? (Jesus's words in ???).
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The text beginning at this line (and ending 145? lines later at line 21#) is displaced in Ra (and the closely related MSS U and E), and appears inserted into Passus 1, following line 179? The easiest explanation is that a bifolium, from the center of the quire containing this part of Passus VII, fell out and was inserted incorrectly into the middle of the earlier one containing Passus I. If so, then we can infer that each of the four pages in the bifolium contained 34 lines, which are slightly more than appear in Ra.
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75 The sense is: Leave everything to God. (It is possible that this could be a continuation of the son's long name: that is Kane's view, and that of editors of B.)
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76 have of myn owene: CHECK idiom.
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79ff. It is usual to make a will before one undertakes a pilgrimage, and the form of this will corresponds closely to contemporary examples (which tend to be written in English, with some Latin [or French] phrases).
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84ff. These lines suggest that the parish (in the person of the pastor: 'he') is to be responsible for the burial of Piers's body, in return for his faithful tithes to support it/him. In addition, the church is bound to remember Piers's soul in its masses and prayers for the dead.
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94 The line literally repeats the promise of Sloth: V.233.
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95-7 The substitution of plowing for pilgrimaging is continued here. Like the 'hoper' for the 'scrippe' (56), his plow replaces his pikestaff.
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100 balkis: unplowed strips of land defined the borders between individual fields in the open-field system, but the reference to diggers suggests they are here referring to pieces of the plowed field not turned over by the plow, or large sods, which would be broken up by hand. Presumably, controlling a four-oxen team and a heavy plow would not be so precise as to ensure that every bit of the soil was broken up and turned over.
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105 The plowing of the half-acre is completed by mid-morning, at which point the work that remains involves hand implements, like shovels and spades. Peirs is concerned to identify the good workers at this more demanding labor.
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109 'Hey trolly-lolly' is presumably a refrain from another popular song, like the one referred to in Pr. 103, which other 'dikeris and delveris' (Pr. 102; like those a few lines above) prefer to devote themselves to instead of doing their work.
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110 Piers expresses righteous anger here, as he will later (VIII.99) when he tears the pardon. Such anger may be the poet's justification for omitting Wrath from his cast of Deadly Sins in the previous parade of Vices. Bennett notes that 'his words here are precisely in the spirit of the Commons' petition in 1376 that vagrant beggars should be imprisoned unless they promised to return home to work and that it should be forbidden to give alms to persons able to labour' (p. 205: note to B VI.119). The principle is, obviously, not original to the 1376 petition.
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115 (= B VI.124) aliri: for vv. ll. and possible etymologies v . E. J. Dobson, English and Gmc. Studies, 1 (1947-8), 56, and E. Colledge, M Æ, 27 (1958), 111; neither accounts satsifactorily for the final -i ; it may be a 'cant' word used by 'loseles' themselves, possibly preserved in the counting rhym 'one two three, aleery' (followed by a hop): cf Opie, The Lore and Language of Schoolchildren (1959), pp. 114-15. They pretend (pace Sk) to be maimed, by tying or twisting the calf against the back of the thigh, so that it appears to be cut off; cf. C. Brett, MLR, 22 (1927), 261, and the detail from P. Brueghel's Fight between Carnival and Lent reproduced by Colledge. William of Nassyngton criticizes 'faytoures' for similar reasons: <blockquote>For lyþer wyles can þei finde To make þaim seme crokede and blynde Or seke or mysays to mennes syght. So cann þai þair lymes dyght For men suld þaim mysays deme. </blockquote> A variant posture is shown in a misericord at Christchurch, Hants.
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115 a-lery: the exact nature of the deception here is not clear. Either the leg is tied up so that it appears to have been cut off, or the pretence is that the leg is unable to bear weight: a 'trick knee' or the like.
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140 This personification of parasitic members of society (mentioned already: Pr. 22) recalls the alliterative ME poem Wynnere and Wastoure<.i> (early 1350s).
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141 Offering one's glove is a way of issuing a challenge; if opponent takes the glove, he accepts the challenge.
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Ra continues this line with 'of thy flour,' which in K-F and Kane is assigned to the beginning of the following line.
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150ff. The courtesy of the knight is emulated in the 'polite' language of these lines: the knight is restrained in warning and advising. The courteous approach does not achieve much, and Piers is forced to invoke stronger measures.
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158 Piers steps out of his human, social role here in invoking Hunger to punish the wasters, and becomes an almost divine force in league with nature to effect punishment for injustice. The fact that Hunger hears (and responds) immediately ('at the ferste') indicates that this may not be an extraordinary condition of famine, but something resulting from the reduced availability of food in the early summer period, between spring plowing (and planting) and the beginning of harvest: when the previous year's supplies are running out and the new crops is not yet ready to eat.
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165 Loaves of bread made from dried peas were a staple food for the poor even long after the Middle Ages, and certainly second rate by comparison with the barley bread that was available earlier (WHERE?).
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170 Check MED: Ra has 'bate,' which seems related to 'batte' (166) and may mean that drinking water would expand and 'gum up' the barley bread and ground beans.
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174ff It seems to make more sense of the passage to put a period at the end of 174, and (as Pearsall does in C), and make 175 be the inspiration for the hermits in 176.
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190ff The proper response to beggars is a recurrent concern in this poem: Prol. 40ff., VIII.67ff. See Bennett's notes to 201 and 204 below.
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201 (= B VI.216) Medieval teaching on mendicancy was much influence by St. Augustine's De opere monachorum, on which Guillaume de St. Amour, and hence Jean de Meun ( v . Roman de la Rose, 11425-88) drew liberally. But L's knowledge of this work has not been proved. At least one medieval test (cit. B. Tierney, The Medieval Poor Law (1959), p. 58) laid down that relief should not be given to able-bodied beggars. H. Moe, PMLA, 75 (1959), 40, attempts to prove that the present passage influenced the framers of the Elizabethan Poor Law. Tierney remarks that what was really needed after the Black Death was 'a kind of scholastic critique of employability in able-bodied vagrants'.
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203 NOTE needed: A troublesome line, textually and tonally.
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204 (= B VI.220ff.) (Cf. vii. 78 ff. and xiii. 142.) The sense and wording of this passage differ in A and C: v . N. Coghill, RES, 6 (1932), 303, and M. Day, ibid., 445. Each perhaps represents a different gloss of the difficult text cited at 230 [=A VII.214]; but they agree in accepting the usual medieval view that relief of the needy was a primary obligation on those with the means to do so; to withhold alms when there is evident and urgent necessity is mortal sin--a doctrine piercingly expressed in The Lykewake Dirge: cf. Tawney, p. 233, Dunning, pp. 33., 56, and nn., and B. Tierney, op. cit., passim. Giving from one's superfluities was a mere act of justive owed to the poor, but to give from one's necessities was an act of mercy. But all giving had to be prompted by a right attitude to God and one's neighbour; cf. Traditio, 2 (1944), 97. The Disticha 86. c 9 ( v . Tierney) distinguishes between the deserving and undeserving poor; old and sick, and those fallen from riches into want (especially if through no fault of their own) are to be helped first. Alms, according to one modification of this view, should be denied when known to be harmful, but day-to-day cases were not to be examined minutely. Such was the doctrine. That it did not always issue in counsel such as Piers's may be inferred from a couplet in Handlyng Synne: 'þyne even cristyn þow awyst to lene / 3if þou mayst spare hit, þat I mene' (2401-2).
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206 Can't the second half-line be taken as an inserted instruction: '--Seek to learn about them; Look for them--'? Delete the semicolon so that the instruction to comfort them is the main clause of the combined lines.
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In Ra, this and the following seven lines, which embrace the point at which the misplaced lines of Passus VII end in Passus I, are irregular in length and alliteration.
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This line is missing from Ra
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213 The alliterating 'Matheu' is regular in the A MSS, but the Latin text that follows is from Luke. This is not the only instance of misattribution in the poem: the same mistake occurs below, 224-5.
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214 (= Knott-Fowler 212). Facite vobis amicos de mammona iniquitatis. "Make to yourselves friends of the mammon of unrighteousness." (Luke 16:9). The author frequently errs on the source of his quotations. Cf. line 220 below.
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217 Gen. 3:19.
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218 If it is not merely a handy and striking alliteration, the 'geaunt' may refer to the size of the book of Genesis: it is the longest book of the Pentateuch and one of the longest books in the entire Bible. It is also, of course, the book that provides the account of human origins (the 'engendrour of us alle').
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217-18. Gen. 3:19.
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221 'Sapience' refers to the author (sometimes called 'Solomon') of Proverbs and other Old Testament books of 'wisdom' literature, often titled the 'Writings,' to distinguish them from the 'Law' (Torah or Pentateuch) and the 'Prophets.'
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222-23 (= Knott-Fowler 220-21). Piger propter frigus, etc. "The sluggard will not plow by reason of the cold; therefore shall he beg in harvest, and have nothing." Prov. 20:4. Not the book of Wisdom, as the text says.
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224 The four gospel writers are traditionally associated with the four beasts of Revelation 4:6-8, derived from the four-headed beasts drawing Yahweh's chariot in Ezekiel 1:4-12. In medieval iconography, Matthew is associated with the man, Mark with the lion, Luke with the bull, and John with the eagle. The 'servus nequam' is wording from Luke 19:22 from his version of the parable of the talents. In Matthew, the equivalent passage (25:26), in which the master condemns the fearful recipient of the one talent, he addresses him as 'XXXX.' Similarly, the unusual word 'nam' is the term used in Luke: mnam</I> (19:20 ???); the term is XXX in Matthew's account.
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224 (= Knott-Fowler 222). Matheu with the manis face. Skeat, in his note on this line, says: "An allusion to the common representation of the evangelists, which likens Matthew to a man, Mark to a lion, Luke to a bull, and John to an eagle ." Cf. Ezek. 1:10 and Rev. 4:7. The reference here is to the parable of the talents, Matt. 25:14 ff., and Luke 19:12 ff.
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227 This unusual application of the parable is, as Bennett noted (p. 210, note to B VI.241), not unprecedented.
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227 (=B VI.241). nam (gl. besaunt ih L), Lat. mnam (acc.) < Gk. [mna]. Both mna[m] and serv[e] nequam occur in the version of the parable of the talents in Luc. 19: 16 ff. (the Wiclifite version of which uses besaunt), whereas Matt. 25 has in fact talentum and serve male et piger; but the conjunction of the reference to Matthew with th ephrase from Prov. 20 suggests that it was Matthew's version that the poet originally had in mind. His interpretation of the parable, which eliminates any reference to the failure of the steward to put out his talent at interest, is found also in the 12th-c. Bestiaire<.i> of Guillaume le Clerc: 'the other has no will to work, but all his life idly waits' (3846). Implicit approval of usury would offer difficulties for a medieval exegete, and in particular for a writer who has condemned Meed. Wynnere and Wastour, 286, perhaps refers to the same parable.
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230-32 This translation of the moral of the parable, closest perhaps to that in Luke (cf. 19: 26), gives particular point to the 'use' of these talents 'to helpe' where there is need. On the other hand, the punishment of those who 'nolde werche' is the denial of equivalent 'helpe.'
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235 The contrast between the Active Life and the Contemplative Life is a common one. The terms have only general application to the three occupations in 234: teaching may qualify as an activity of the contemplative life; tilling and manual labor are works of the active life. However, it is clear from monastic rules, e.g., the Rule of St. Benedict, that those engaged in the contemplative life of a monastery were also required to labor in the fields.
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Ra uniquely omits this this line.
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234. the salme of Beati omnes, i. e., the psalm beginning "Blessed is everyone that feareth the Lord; that walketh in His ways." The quotation is from the second verse of this psalm (128): "For thou shalt eat the labour of thine hands."
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240ff Piers now seeks a solution to the problem of sickness, which also prevents some from working.
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244ff Hunger focuses on overindulgence in food and drink (i.e., Gluttony) as a first cause of illness. It may be a little surprising to modern readers that Hunger refers to himself in the third person (248); it clearly wasn't to the scribes of this poem. As earlier, in the confession of the Deadly Sins (V.57), excess in food and drink is associated here with lechery.
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The composition of this and the following two lines in Ra differs in line-division from that in K-F and Kane.
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This line, in K-F and Kane, is incorporated into the preceding line in Ra.
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257 Physicians were often paid with clothing rather than (or in addition to) money.
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260-61 In addition to focusing on their love of fine clothes, the long tradition of satiric criticism of doctors repeatedly castigates them for an inability to tell the truth and for a tendency to kill their patients with their 'cures.'
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265-66 Hunger's response to Piers's second invitation (cf. 187-88) that he leave, makes clear that he is not altogether in Piers's control, as seemed to be the case 'at th ferste' (158) when he called for his assistance.
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279ff The foodstuffs offered Hunger are those available in early summer. The baked apples are probably those stored from the previous autumn, since few would be ripe enough to eat (even after baking) before August.
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285 As Kane noted (in rejecting the widely attested poyson here), the root meaning of the word is 'medicinal draught'; even in the absence (from the MED) of any earlier use of the form as a verb--to administer a potion--that is a more acceptable sense here. It is also possible that unripe leeks and peas could be considered 'poisionous.'
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285 Kane changes the widely attested poysen to peysen ('to content, satisfy'); in doing so, he rejects the easier plese(n) ofMS V (and L), presumably (it's not mentioned in his note) to avoid the repetition of 'plese' from 279.
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300ff. The Black Death of 1348-49 and other outbreaks of plague during the middle of the fourteenth century had marked effect on the availability and stability of laborers, in rural agriculture particularly. In 1351 the King's Council issued a Statute of Laborers to control the wages and movement of workers. This and similar statutes were enforced (somewhat intermittently) during subsequent decades (virtually for the next century). These rules were the cause of much unrest in this period and accounted for at least some of the dissatisfaction which led to the Rising of 1381 (the so-called Peasants' Revolt).
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301. statute. References in this passage to high wages and to laws designed to chasten laborers reflect economic conditions which developed in the wake of the pestilence. The shortage of farm hands after the epidemic of 1348-49 enabled workers to demand higher wages; a Statute of Labourers was provided by Edward III, freezing wages at the level prevailing two years before the beginning of the pestilence. The subsequent re-enactments of the statute indicate the difficulty encountered in enforcing it.
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307-10 The prophecy of flood and famine is associated with the influence of Saturn (310), the most inauspicious of the planets, and prone to cause floods, especially when it is in the constellation Aquarius.
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307 (= B VI. 324ff.) Like iii. 323 ff., this riddling prophecy ( pace Sk) must be taken seriously. According to Anima at xv. 350 ff. to have 'no bilieue on the lifte' is a sign of a perverse generation; and at xix. 230 ff. 'astronomers' are endowed by the Holy Ghost (perhaps because, like the 'prophecyings' there mentioned, wonders in heaven were associated with the speaking with tongues which signalized the descent of the Spirit at Pentecost: cf. Actus Apost. 2: 4, 18-19). The reference to Saturn (327) is straightforward enough. Saturn is the most malignant planet 'ennemye to all thinges that growe and bere life of nature' (Compost of Ptolemæus): hence he brings famine, murrain, and pestilence, cf. CT , A 2469, PPl, C ix. 350, and Neckam, De Naturis Rerum, i. vii (p. 40). Neckam, ibid., says: 'Saturnus igitur existente in Aquario, inundationes fiunt aquarum' (cf. 326). Saturn also rules over 'viscous and congealed diseases' such as those described in xx. 80 ff. (where Kind Conscience does in fact fulfil the present prophecy in an apocalyptic context). In all these respects Saturn is associated with winter: cf. Douglas, Eneydos, Prol. vii. 29 ff. Chaucer associates the planet not only with pestilence and 'maladyes olde' but also with 'cherles rebellyng' (? the Peasants' Revolt; but v. MLN, 69 (1954), 393). For a representation of such a revolt taking place under the sign of Saturn (1524) v. Cristianisme e Ragion di Stato, Atti del II Congresso Internatzionale di Stui Umanistici, a cura di Enrico Castelli, 1952 (pl. 2). Lines 328-9 are peculiar to B. The phenomena of 328 are presumably those of (i) an eclipse (a total eclipse occurred in 1377) and (3) curious shapes in the sky such as have been reported in later times ( v . e.g., The Listener, 18 June 1953). They would be given significance because of their likeness to the prognostication of Matt. 24: 29-30. there is no reason to doubt the reading of 328b (? a covert allusion to certain religious--or to apparitions); but we may note that Dunbar associates 'two monis sene up in the lift' with the birth of Antichrist ('Lucina Shining', 49). In The Golden Legend three suns appear in the east before the birth of Christ (ed. Ellis, i. 26). 329 is to be interpreted primarily (though perhaps not solely) as a reference to the continuing play of Meed (who is a 'maid' in ii and iii and has 'þe maistrie' in iv. 25); but in this apocalyptic context Meed herself might be identified with the Scarlet Woman of Apoc. 17. The construction of 329b is obscure. Donaldson constues [sic] multiplied (LMRF; v. 1. multiplie) as a pp. form modifying all the preceding conditions of the prophecy. As maistrie sometimes has the technical sense of 'the secret of the transmutation of metals inot god' (a sense not inapposite for the operations of Lady Meed) it is possible that multiplie is likewise used with an alchemical reference, as the term for 'increasing' the original 'starter' metal: cf. CT, T 848 ff.: 'For bothe two, by my savacioun, / Concluden in multiplacioun . . .'. C increases the obscurity by adding: 'Thre shupes and a shaft [v.1.schaefe] with an vm. folwying / Shal brynge bane and bataile on bothe half the mone' (351-2); cf. Dunbar, loc. cit., where the 'feigned friar' flies above the moon and, 'under Saturnis fierie regioun', meets Simon Magus, Mahoun, and Merlin (ther first and last being associated with fallacious arts, including alchemy). Bradley (MLR, 5 (1910), 342) interpreted 'three ships and a shaft with vm' as a numerical rebus: xxx (30); 50 ['shaft'] = l]; 8 [= viii(vm), viz. [13]88; if we read schaefe, the numerical equivalent would presumably be [13]62 (cf. iii. 324 n.)--though 'shaft' may again allude to Saturn; in Henryson's Testament of Cresseid Saturn has 'ane flasche [sheaf] of felloun flanis [arrows, shafts] / Fedderit with Ice and heidit with hailstanis' (167-8). No convincing reason for an allusion to the year 1388 (or 1362) suggests itself, and C was probably written after that date. Such prophecies are a feature of the later 14th c. A simple example, which L may have been following, is Wynnere and Wastoure 290 ff.: <blockquote>... first the faylynge of fode and then the fire after To brenne the alle at a birre for thy bale dedis: The more colde is to come, als me a clerke tolde </blockquote> where Gollancz saw an allusion to the hard winter of 1352-3 as well as to the fames of Apoc. 18: 8. a more complex Scots prophecy in Camb. Univ. MS. Kk. 1. 5 (IV), f. 326 involves 'tre CCC in Aprille', 'an 1 as the lyne askis, Tuis X and ane R'. The passage also shows the influence of contemporary prophecies about the coming of Antichrist, described by Bloomfield (pp. 91-4, 212). (Bennett, pp. 214-15)
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307. Satourne . In medieval astrology the influence of Saturn is always unfavorable, if not malignant. Compare his role in Chaucer's Knight's Tale , especially 2453 ff.
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